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 History of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) and the development of Maoism in India

  India in Revolution

  History of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)
  and the development of Maoism in India

  [Last updated February 14, 1999]

  Historical documents
  Original CPI-ML Programme (1970)
  Eight Historic Documents by Charu Majumdar  (1965-1966)
  The Historic Turning Point -- A  Liberation Anthology
  A Frontier Anthology
  30 Years of Naxalbari
  [A brief history of the revolutionary movement in India (up to 1997) that  was inspired by the armed peasant uprising at Naxalbari in 1967 - written  by the CPI-ML  (People's War)]
  Biographical sketch of Charu  Majumdar

  Current Struggles
  In India today there are many Maoist parties and organizations that either  predate the CPI-ML or emerged from factions when the CPI-ML split after the  death of Charu Majumdar.  Three of them, the CPI-ML (People's War),  CPI-ML (Party Unity), and the Maoist Communist Center (MCC), are currently  engaged in armed struggle. We plan on adding material from the various groups  as we receive them.  It is not our intention to promote one group over  another; these pages are open to all the revolutionary currents in India.
  ** NEW ** Urgent appeal  from the All India Peoples Resistence Forum
  Documents from the CPI-ML (People's  War)
  Voice of the Vanguard:  Organ of the CPI-ML (People's War)

  Program of the CPI-ML (Party Unity)
  Maoist Communist Center
  Communist Party Reorganization Centre  of India (Marxist-Leninist)
  **NEW** Joint  Communique of CPI-ML (PW) and CPI-ML (PU)

  National History

  India and the Raj 1919-1947
  Glory, Shame and Bondage
  Volume 2 (1931-1947)

  This is an authoritative history of India's anti-colonial struggle written  by Suniti Kumar Ghosh, a Maoist historian, political economist and revolutionary  who was a member of the original CC of the CPI-ML.

  *** Added 12/31/98***  India's Freedom Struggle Betrayed
  by R.U.P.E.

  National Economy

  ***Updated 12/30/98***  Research Unit for Political Economy

  RUPE publishes Aspects of India's Econonomy, a very well-researched  journal that provides detailed information on the India economy from an  independent Marxist perspective.
  'Development' Planning  in India: Lumpendevelopment and Imperialism
  An article from Aspects of India's Economy by S. K. Ghosh, which cuts  through the myths about India's economic planning and lays bare its relationship  to imperialism.

  Posters & Graphics
  Portrait of Charu Majumdar

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  Programme of the Communist Party of India

  Adopted at the PARTY CONGRESS held in May 1970

[Source: From Sen, Panda and Lahiri, Naxalbari and After, Calcutta,Kathashilpa, 1978 pp. 275-284.]

1. Our beloved country is one of the biggest and most ancient countries ofthe world inhabited by 500 million people. Ours is an agrarian country, acountry of the peasant masses, hard-working and talented. They have richrevolutionary traditions and a glorious cultural heritage.
2. The British imperialists conquered India and established their directrule some 200 years ago and since then the history of our country has beena history of ceaseless struggles waged by the heroic Indian peasantry againstBritish imperialism and feudal oppression. The First War of Independencein 1857, a war fought by the peasantry and rebel soldiers, turned into aconflagration engulfing the whole of the vast country, inflicting manyhumiliating defeats on the imperialists and shaking the very foundationsof the alien imperialist rule. This great uprising of the Indian people failedowing to the betrayal by India's feudal princes.
3. Since then India has witnessed innumerable armed present revolts. However,these revolts failed as there was no scientific theory and no revolutionaryleadership capable of leading them to victory.
4. The Indian bourgeoisie, comprador in nature, intervened to divert thenational liberation struggle from the path of revolution to the path ofcompromise and surrender. Beginning from the Champaran peasant struggle,the Gandhian leadership representing the upper stratum of the bourgeoisieand feudal class, with its ideology of 'ahimsa'; 'satyagraha', passiveresistance and 'charkha', sought to tailor the national movementto serve the interests of the British imperialist rule and its feudal lackeys.
5. The Great October Revolution brought the ideology of Marxism-Leninismto our country and the Communist Party of India was born. However, despitetremendous opportunities, the leadership of the working class could not beestablished over the national liberation struggle as the leadership of theParty refused to fight Gandhism and the Gandhian leadership and to take tothe path of revolution. The leadership refused to integrate the universaltruth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of Indian revolution.It refused to integrate the Party with the heroic masses, chiefly therevolutionary peasantry, and to forge a revolutionary united front. It refusedto learn from the great liberation struggle of the Chinese people led bythe CPC and Chairman Mao Tsetung and to take to the path of armed struggle.
6. On the contrary, the leadership of the CPI consciously trailed behindthe leadership of the Congress and betrayed the revolution from the verybeginning. The leaders of the CPI were agents of imperialism and feudalism.Despite the treachery of the leadership, the Party ranks stood with the sufferingpeople, led many class battles and made untold sacrifices for the cause ofthe Indian proletariat.
7. The smashing defeat of the fascist powers at the hands of the world peopleled by the Soviet Union under the leadership of Great Stalin and theworld-shaking victorious advance of the Great Chinese liberation struggleunder the leadership of Chairman Mao brought about a new alignment of forcesthe world over. Imperialism was very much weakened and the national liberationstruggle of the colonial people surged forward like a torrent throughoutAsia, Africa and Latin America, threatening to sweep imperialism and itslackeys away.
8. An unprecedented revolutionary situation overtook the Indian sub-continenttoo. The mighty movement for the release of 'Azad Hind' prisoners, powerfulanti-imperialist demonstrations by students all over India, the greatTebhaga and Bakasht struggles, the anti-feudal strugglesin the princely states, the powerful struggle of the P & T workers, thearmed revolt of the R.I.N. ratings along with rebellions in the Air Forceand the Army and the police revolt in Bihar, the great solidarity actionsof the working class and the beginning of the historic armed peasant strugglein Telengana brought the imperialist rule in India almost to the verge ofcollapse.
9. Faced with such a situation, the British imperialism pressed into servicesits tried agents--the leaders of the Indian National Congress, Muslim Leagueand of the CPI with a view to crushing this revolutionary upsurge of theIndian people. The country was partitioned amidst communal carnage and theCongress leadership representing the comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords,was installed in power while the British imperialists stepped into thebackground. The sham independence declared in 1947 was nothing but a replacementof the colonial and semi-feudal set-up with a semi-colonial and semi-feudalone.
10. During these years of sham independence the big comprador-bureaucratbourgeoisie and big landlord ruling classes have been serving their imperialistmasters quite faithfully. These lackeys of imperialism, while preservingthe old British imperialist exploitation, have also brought U.S. imperialistand Soviet social-imperialist exploiters to fleece our country.
11. They have mortgaged our country to the imperialist powers, mainly tothe U.S. imperialists and Soviet social-imperialists. With the weakeningof the power of British imperialism the world over, the Indian ruling classeshave now hired themselves out to U. S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism.Thus instead of two mountains, British imperialism and feudalism, the Indianpeople are now weighed down under the four huge mountains, namely, imperialismheaded by U.S. imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism, feudalism andcomprador-bureaucrat capital. Thus, India has turned into a neo-colony ofU.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. The ruthless exploitationand oppression by these four enemies of the Indian people have createdunprecedented miseries, sufferings and calamities. Millions are strugglingon the brink of death. Several millions go hungry, naked, houseless andunemployed.
12. In the name of 'national integration,' these enemies of the people havebeen suppressing the genuine rights of all the nationalities and nationaland religious minorities. The right of self-determination is being deniedto the Kashmiris, Nagas and Mizos. Equal status to all the national languagesis being denied and Hindi is being sought to be imposed on the people bythem.
13. Our country is the country of the peasant masses who constitute over75 percent of its population. They are the most exploited people of our countryliving in conditions of semi-starvation and absolute pauperisation. In India'ssemi-feudal economy, 80% of the land is concentrated in the hands of the20% of the landowners, i.e., 'rajahs', landlords and rich peasants, whilethe starving peasantry constituting 80% of the rural population has no landor very little land.
14. The landless and poor peasants have to turn over 50% to 90% of theirannual harvest in the form of rent to the landlords. The extortionate usuriouscapital continues to fleece the peasants. Eviction of peasants is the orderof the day. Social oppression on scheduled castes including the lynchingof Harijans, reminiscent of the middle ages, is continuing unabated.
15. The semi-feudal land relations have transformed our country into a landof perpetual famine, as a result of which millions of people die of starvationevery year.
16. In brief, out of all the major contradictions in our country, that is,the contradiction between imperialism and social-imperialism on the one handand our people on the other, the contradiction between feudalism and thebroad masses of the people, the contradiction between capital and labourand the contradiction within the ruling classes, the one between the landlordsand the peasantry, i.e., the contradiction between feudalism and the broadmasses of the Indian people is the principal contradiction in the presentphase.
17. The resolution of this contradiction will lead to the resolution of allother contradictions too.
18. While preserving and perpetuating the semi-feudal set-up, the bigcomprador-bureaucrat bourgeoisie and big landlord ruling classes have becomepawns in the hands of U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism.
19. The phenomenal increase in the total quantum of foreign capital, theheavy remittances of profits abroad, thousands of collaborationist enterprises,total dependence on imperialist "aid, grants and loans" for capital goods,technical know-how, military supplies and armament industries for buildingmilitary bases and even for markets, unequal trade and P.L. 480 agreementshave made U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism the overlords ofour country.
20. U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism have brought the vitalsectors of the economy of our country under their control. U.S. imperialismcollaborates mainly with private capital and is now penetrating into theindustries in the state sector, while Soviet social-imperialism has broughtunder its control mainly the industries in the state sector and is at thesame time trying to enter into collaboration with private capital.
21. US. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism do everything possibleto foster the growth of comprador-bureaucrat capitalism for continuing theirunbridled exploitation of the Indian people.
22. The much-trumpeted "public sector" is being built up by many imperialistexploiters for employing their capital and for exploiting the cheap labourpower and raw materials of our country. The public sector is nothing buta clever device to hoodwink the Indian people and continue their plunder.It is state monopoly capitalism i.e., bureaucrat capitalism.
23. With their octopus-like grip on India's economy, the U.S. imperialistsand the Soviet social-imperialists control the political, cultural and militaryspheres of the life of our country.
24. At the dictates of U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, India'sreactionary ruling classes pursue a foreign policy that serves the interestsof imperialism, social-imperialism and reaction. It has been tailored tothe needs of the global strategy of the U.S. imperialists and Sovietsocial-imperialists to encircle Socialist China and suppress the nationalliberation struggle raging in various parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America,of which Vietnam has become the spearhead. India's aggression against SocialistChina in 1962 and her continual provocation against China since then at theinstance of U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, her support tothe Soviet attack on China, her tacit approval of Soviet aggression againstCzechoslovakia, her dirty role in supporting U.S. imperialism against theVietnamese people prove beyond a shadow of doubt that India's ruling classesare faithful stooges of U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism.
25. These hard facts irrefutably prove the semi-colonial character of oursociety, besides its semi-feudal character.
26. As the obsolete semi-feudal society acts as the social base of U.S.imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism and as it facilitates also theplunder of our people by comprador-bureaucrat capital, the problem of thepeasantry becomes the basic problem of the Indian revolution.
27. Therefore, the basic task of the Indian revolution is to overthrow therule of feudalism, comprador-bureaucrat capitalism, imperialism andsocial-imperialism. This determines the stage of our revolution. It is thestage of democratic revolution, the essence of which is agrarian revolution.
28. It, however, is not the old type of democratic revolution but a new typeof democratic revolution, People's Democratic Revolution, as it forms a partof the world socialist revolution, ushered in by the Great October Revolution,and as such, it can be successfully led by the working class alone and byno other class. The working class is the most revolutionary class and themost organised advanced detachment of our people.
29. This revolution will establish the dictatorship of the working class,the peasantry, the petty-bourgeoisie and even a section of the small andmiddle bourgeoisie under the leadership of the working class. They, together,constitute the overwhelming majority of the Indian people. It will be a stateguaranteeing democracy for 90 percent of the people and enforcing dictatorshipover a handful of enemies. That is why it is People's Democracy.
30. The main force of the democratic revolution led by the working classis peasantry. The working class fully relies on the landless and poor peasantsand firmly unites with the middle peasants and even wins over a section ofthe rich peasants while neutralizing the rest. It will be only a tiny sectionof the rich peasants that finally joints the enemies of the revolution. Theurban petty-bourgeoisie and the revolutionary intellectuals of our countryare revolutionary forces and will be a reliable ally in the revolution.
31. The small and middle bourgeoisie, businessmen and bourgeois intellectualsare vacillating and unstable allies of the democratic revolution. They willnow support, then oppose and sometimes even betray the revolution. Theirdual role in the revolution arises because of their contradiction as wellas unity with the enemies of our revolution.
32. Thus, in order to carry the democratic revolution through to the endit is necessary that a Democratic Front of all these classes is built upunder the leadership of the working class.
33. This Front can, however, be built up when worker-peasant unity is achievedin the course of armed struggle and after Red political power is establishedat least in some parts of the country.
34. It must be understood that the working class can and will exercise itsleadership over the People's Democratic Revolution through its politicalparty, the Communist Party of India (M-L). It also performs its vanguardrole by launching struggles on political issues, both national and international,by solidarity actions in support of the revolutionary classes, mainly, therevolutionary struggles of the peasantry and by sending its class-consciousvanguard section to organise and lead the peasants' armed struggle.
35. The path of India's liberation, as in the case of all other colonialand semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries, is the path of People's War.As Chairman Mao has taught us, "The Revolutionary war is the war of themasses; it can be waged only by mobilising the masses and relying on them."36. The working class can wage a successful People's War by creatingsmall bases of armed struggle all over the country and consolidating thepolitical power of the people. This is possible only by developing guerillawarfare which is and will remain the basic form of struggle throughout theentire period of our Democratic Revolution.
37. As Comrade Lin Piao has pointed out, "Guerilla warfare is the only wayto mobilise and apply the entire strength of the people against the enemy."Guerilla warfare alone can unleash the initiative and rouse the creativegenius of the Indian people, make them perform miracles, function in variousways and can enable them to effectively co-ordinate those ways. Thus guerillawar alone can expand the small bases of armed struggle to large, extensiveareas through mighty waves of People's War and develop the People's Armywhich will overthrow the reactionary rule of the four mountains in thecountryside, encircle and capture the cities, establish the People's DemocraticDictatorship all over the country and resolutely carry it forward to theDictatorship of the Proletariat and Socialism.
38. The People's Democratic State will carry out the following major tasks:
  (a) Confiscation of all the banks and enterprises of foreign capital and  liquidation of all imperialist debt.    (b) Confiscation of all enterprises of comprador-bureaucrat capital.  
  (c) Confiscation of all land belonging to the landlords and their redistribution  among the landless and poor peasants on the principle of land to the tillers;  cancellation of all debts of the peasantry and other toiling people. All  facilities necessary for development of agriculture to be guaranteed.  
  (d) Enforce eight hours a day, increase wages, institute unemployment relief  and social insurance, remove all inequalities on the basis of equal pay for  equal work.  
  (e) Improve the living conditions of soldiers and give land and job to the  ex-servicemen.  
  (f) Enforce better living conditions of the people and remove unemployment.  
  (g) Develop new democratic culture in place of colonial and feudal culture.  
  (h) Abolish the present educational system and educational institutions and  build up a new educational system and new educational institutions consistent  with the needs of People's Democratic India.  
  (i) Abolish the caste system, remove all social inequalities and all  discrimination on the religious ground and guarantee equality of status to  women.  
  (j) Unify India and recognise the right of self-determination.  
  (k) Give equal status to all national languages.  
  (l) Abolish all exorbitant taxes and miscellaneous assessments and adopt  a consolidated progressive tax system.  
  (m) People's political power to be exercised through Revolutionary People's  Councils at all levels.  
  (n) Alliance to be formed with the international proletariat and the oppressed  nations of the world under the leadership of the CPC.
39. The Democratic Revolution in India is taking place in the era of MaoTsetung when world imperialism is heading for a total collapse and socialismis advancing towards world-wide victory. Our revolution is a part of theGreat Proletarian Cultural Revolution which has consolidated socialism andproletarian dictatorship in China into the reliable base area of the WorldRevolution. Our revolution is taking place at a time when the great NinthCongress of the great, glorious and correct CPC--the Congress of unity andvictory--has tremendously inspired the international proletariat. It is takingplace at a time when the CPC, headed by Chairman Mao and Vice-Chairman LinPiao, is leading the international proletariat to fulfil its historic missionof emancipating the whole of mankind from the rule of imperialism and reactionand establishing Socialism and Communism on this earth. We are a contingentof this great army of the international proletariat.
40. The CPI(M-L) is placing the Programme of People's Democratic Revolutionbefore the Indian people and dedicates itself to this great revolutionarycause. The Party is confident that the granite unity of our people with allsocialist and oppressed nations, particularly the Chinese people, will bringabout the victory of the Indian revolution, which as Chairman Mao has predicted,"will end the imperialist reactionary era in the history of mankind" andwill ensure the world-wide victory of Socialism.
[Reproduced from 'Mass Line', Vol. 2, No. 36 Sept 13, 1970].  

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  Eight Documents
  [Com. Charu Mazumdar's historic Eight Documents and creative application  of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung thought in the concrete situation of India  paved the way for the beginning of Naxalbari movement. The documents are  historic in the sense that a sharp departure from parliamentary cretinism  began to take place and revolutionary politics was resolutely put forward  combatting revisionism which was well entrenched in the communist movement  in India.]

Our Tasks in the Present Situation

Make the People's Democratic Revolution Successful by Fighting AgainstRevisionism
What is the Source of the Spontaneous Revolutionary Outburst in India
Carry on the Struggle Against Modern Revisionism
What Possibility The Year 1965 is Indicating ?
The Main Task Today is the Struggle to Build up the True RevolutionaryParty Through Uncompromising Struggle Against Revisionism
Take this Opportunity
Carry Forward the Peasant Struggle by Fighting Revisionism

  Scanned and Formatted by the Maoist Documentation Project


  Our Tasks in the Present Situation
28th January, 1965

The Congress government has arrested one thousand communists during the lastone month. Most of Central and Provincial leadership are in jail today.Gulzarilal Nanda has announced that he will not accept the verdict of theelectorate (and he has not), and he has started telling absurd stories aboutguerilla warfare. This offensive against democracy has begun because of theinternal and international crisis of capitalism. The Indian government hasgradually become the chief political partner in the expansion of Americanimperialism's hegemony of the world. The main aim of American imperialismis to establish India as the chief reactionary base in South-East Asia.
The Indian bourgeoisie is unable to find any way to solve its internal crisis.The perennial food crisis, its ever increasing price level, are creatingobstacles for the Five-Year Plan, and as a result of this, there is no otherway for the Indian bourgeoisie to come out from this crisis excepting importingmore and more Anglo-American imperialist capital. As a result of this dependenceon imperialism, the internal crisis of capitalism is bound to increase dayby day. The Indian bourgeoisie has not been able to find out any other wayexcept killing democracy, faced with the instructions of American imperialismand its own internal crisis. There were imperialist instructions behind thesearrests, since the American police chief 'Macbright' was in Delhi duringthe arrest of the communists, and the widespread arrests took place onlyafter discussions with him. By killing democracy there can be no solutionof this crisis, and the Indian bourgeoisie also will not be able to solvethis crisis. The more the Government will be dependent on imperialism, themore it will fail to solve its internal crisis. With every passing day, thepeople's discontent will increase, and with every passing day, the internalconflict of the bourgeoisie is bound to increase.
Imperialist capital demands the arrest of communists as a precondition beforeinvesting; so also it wants a temporary solution of the food problem. Tosolve this food crisis, some steps to stop trade and profiteering in foodare necessary, and it is for this that control is necessary. In a countryof backward economy like India, this control invariably faces Oppositionfrom a large section. This conflict of the bourgeoisie is not mainly a conflictbetween monopoly capitalists and the national bourgeoisie. This conflictis mainly between the trading community and the monopoly industrialists.In a country of backward economy, trade in foodstuff and essential commoditiesis inevitable for the creation of capital, and control creates obstaclesin the creation of this capital, and as a result of that, internal conflicttakes the form of internal crisis. India is a vast country. It is not possibleto rule the 450 million people of this country by following a policy ofrepression. It is not possible for any imperialist country to take such abig responsibility. American imperialism is writing in death pangs, in keepingits commitment to those countries of the world which it has assured of givingaid. Meanwhile, an industrial crisis has developed in America. It can beseen from President Johnson's utterence itself that the number of unemployedis increasing in the country. According to the official statement, four millionpeople are absolutely unemployed; 35 million people are semi-unemployed andin factories also semi-unemployment is continuing. So the Indian Governmentwill fail to suppress the ever-increasing discontent of the people. Thisattack on democracy will inevitably transform the people's discontent intostruggles. Some indication of the shape of the protest movement of tomorrowis available from the language movement of Madras. So, the coming era isnot merely an era of big struggles, but also an era of big victories. TheCommunist Party therefore will have to take the responsibility of leadingthe people's revolutionary struggles in the coming era, and we shall be ableto carry out the responsibility successfully only when we are able to buildup the party organisation as a revolutionary organisation.
What is the main basis for building up a revolutionary organisation? ComradeStalin has said: "The main basis for building up a revolutionary organisationis the revolutionary cadre." Who is a revolutionary cadre ? A revolutionarycadre is he who can analyse the situation at his own initiative and can adoptpolicies according to that. He does not wait for anyone's help.

Our Organisational Slogans

1. Every party member must form at least one Activist Group of five.He will educate the cadres of this Activist Group in political education.
2. Every party member must see to it that no one from this group is exposedto the police.
3. There should be an underground place for meetings of every ActivistGroup. If necessary, shelters for keeping one or two underground will haveto be arranged.
4. Every Activist Group must have a definite person for contacts.
5. A place should be arranged for hiding secret documents.
6. A member of the Activist Group should be made a member of the Partyas soon as he becomes an expert in political education and work.
7. After he becomes a Party member, the Activist Group must not haveany contact with him.

This organisational style should be firmly adhered to. This organisationitself will take up the responsibility of revolutionary organisation in thefuture.

What will be the Political Education ?

The main basis of the Indian Revolution is agrarian revolution. So, themain-slogan of the political propaganda campaign will be--make successfulthe agrarian revolution. The extent to which we are able to propagate theprogramme of agrarian revolution among the workers and the petty-bourgeoisieand educate them in it, to that extent they will be educated in politicaleducation. Every Activist Group, should discuss the class analysis amongthe peasantry, the propaganda of the programme of agrarian revolution.


  Make the People's Democratic Revolution Successful by Fighting Against  Revisionism
As revisionist thinking nestled in the Indian party for a long time, we couldnot build up a correct revolutionary party. Our primary task today is tobuild up a correct revolutionary party fighting uncompromisingly againstthis revisionist thinking.
(1) The first among revisionist thought is to regard 'Krishak Sabha'(peasants' organisation) and trade unions as the only Party activity.Party comrades often confuse the work of peasants' organisation and tradeunion with the political work of the Party. They do not realise that thepolitical tasks of the Party cannot be carried out through the peasants'organisation and trade union. But it should be remembered at the same timethat the trade union and the peasants' organisation are one of the many weaponsfor serving our purpose. On the other hand, to regard peasants' organisationand trade union work as the only work of the Party, can only mean plungingthe Party in the mire of economism. The proletarian revolution cannot bemade successful without an uncompromising struggle against this economism.This is the lesson that com. Lenin has given us.
(2) Some comrades think and are still thinking today that our political taskends with the launching of a few movements on demands, and they regard asingle victory through these movements as a political victory of the Party.Not only that, these comrades seek to confine the responsibility of carryingout the political tasks of the Party within the limits of these movementsonly. But we, the true Marxists know that carrying out the Party's politicalresponsibility means that the final aim of all propaganda, all movementsand all organisations of the Party is to establish firmly the political powerof the proletariat. It should be remembered always that if the words "Seizureof Political Power" are left out, the Party no longer remains a revolutionaryParty. Although it will remain a revolutionary Party in name then, it willbe actually reduced to a reformist party of the bourgeoisie.
When speaking of seizure of political power, some mean the Centre. They thinkthat with the gradual expansion of the limits of the movement, our only aimwill be to capture power centrally. This thinking is not only wrong; thisthinking destroys the correct revolutionary thinking within the party andreduces it to a reformist party. At the World Trade Union Congress in 1953,the well-tested and well-established Marxist leader of China, member of theCentral Committee of the Communist Party of China, asserted firmly that inthe coming days the tactics and strategy of the unfinished revolution ofAsia, Africa and Latin America will follow the footsteps of China. In otherwords, the strategy and tactics of these struggles will be area-wise seizureof power. It was not only that comrade and member of the Central Committeeof the Chinese Party, but Com. Lenin also mentioned area-wise seizure ofpower in his writings. Above all, the working class in Russia gave a concreteproof of Lenin's conclusion when they kept the town of Kronstad under seizurefor three days. In the era of socialism, all the elements of area-wise seizureof power are present in our framework.
A burning instance of the fact that this is possible is the Naga rebellion.The main condition of this area-wise seizure of power is weapons in the handsof the revolutionary forces. To think of seizing power without arms, is nothingbut an idle dream. Our Party has a very long history of struggles. We gavethe leadership to the peasants' and workers' movements in the extensivecountryside of North Bengal. Naturally, we shall have to examine and analysethe movements of the past and draw lessons from them and we shall have tomove forward anew in the present revolutionary era.
Analysis of the concrete events and experiences of the Tebhaga Movementin 1946 and 1947
The participant peasants in this movement numbered about six million. Itshould be remembered that in the entire peasant movement this was a goldenera. In the massiveness of the movement, in the intensity of emotions, inthe expression of class hatred, this movement was the highest stage of classstruggle. To help understand that stage, I am citing a few moving instancesof that movement.

A day's event:--

I was then living underground in the interest of the movement. I have personallywitnessed the tide of the revolutionary movement. I have seen how a singlelittle note made a man ten miles away come running like a mad man. On theother hand, I have also seen standing beside the husband, a newly wed youngMuslim woman who was subjected to demoniac barbarous assault by the classenemy. I have heard the pathetic appeal of that unarmed husband--Comrade,can't you take revenge? The very next moment, I have seen the intense hatredof the exploited against the exploiter, have seen that aweful spectacle ofkilling a living man in cold blood by twisting his throat.
Comrades, the above mentioned incidents demand from us some analysis.
Firstly, what was the historical reason as a result of which this massiveform of that movement in those days could create intense hatred against theclass enemy ?
Secondly, what again were the causes which turned that vast movement intoa failure ?
First, it was the slogan of seizure of political power that created the massiveform of that movement of those days, created the intense hatred against theclass enemy. On the opposite side, it was this slogan that made the classenemy adopt his class role. It is the expression of this that we find inthe barbaric rape of the young peasant woman and the beastly violent attackto smash the movement. On the other hand the peasants also did not hesitateto attack the class enemy. This raises the question: Why couldn't power beseized even after this ? It couldn't be seized for one reason only--it wasbecause the fighting people of those days looked to the centre for arms;we then lost faith in the path indicated by Lenin. We hesitated in thosedays to accept that bold declaration of Lenin to carry forward the revolutionby collecting arms locally and seizing power area-wise. As a result, theunarmed peasants could not stand up and resist in the face of arms. Eventhose who fought defying death had also to retreat finally. The lesson thathas to be drawn from the mistakes of those days is that the responsibilityof collecting arms lies with the local organisation, not with the centre.So the question of collecting arms will have to be put up before every ActivistGroup from now on. 'Dao', knives, sticks--all these are weapons, and withtheir help at opportune moments, firearms will have to be snatched. The eventsdescribed above are manifestations of revisionist thinking in its theoreticalaspect. Now, from the organisational point of view, those mistakes will haveto be found out which were hurdles in the way of a correct leadership ofthe vast movements of those days, so that they may not find a nest afreshin the revolutionary Party. To smash all those mistakes in the Party, theParty will today first have to establish its leadership over the massorganisations. For, a review of the history of the party over a long periodwould reveal that as a result of the revisionist thinking of regarding leadersof trade unions and peasant organisations (krishak sabha) as thereal representatives of the people, the party was reduced to a party of afew individuals. Because of this thinking, the party's political activitiesbecame inert, and the proletariat also became deprived of a correct revolutionaryleadership. All movements became confined within the bonds of movements ondemands. As a result Party members became enthusiastic over a single victoryand despondent over a single defeat. Secondly, as a result of overestimatingthe importance of this organisation, another type of localism is born. Comradesthink that the Party will suffer a serious loss if any comrade is shiftedfrom his area and they take this as a loss to personal leadership. From thislocalism another type of opportunism develops. Comrades think that theirarea is the most revolutionary; naturally nothing should be done here sothat there is police persecution. Because of this viewpoint they do not analysethe political situation of the entire country. As a result, commandism developsand organisational and daily propaganda work suffers. As a result, when thereis a call for a struggle, they assert that they will not do any small workand commit adventurism. Naturally the question arises--what are the methodswhich help to get out of these deviations ? What are those Marxist directiveswhich become essential tasks for building up a revolutionary party ?
Firstly, all works of organisation of the future will have to be done ascomplementary to the Party. In other words, the mass organisations will haveto be used as a part of serving one main purpose of the Party. For this reason,naturally, Party leadership will have to be established over the organisations.
Secondly, immediately from now the entire effort of the Party will have tobe spent on recruiting newer and newer cadres and on forming countless ActivistGroups consisting of them. It should be remembered that in the coming eraof struggles, the masses will have to be educated through the illegal machinery.So every Party member from now on will have to be made habituated to illegalwork. To get used to illegal work, it is an essential task for every ActivistGroup to paste illegal posters. It is only through this process that theywill be able to act as the bold core in leading struggles in the era ofstruggles. Otherwise, the revolution will be reduced to a petty bourgeoisidle dream.
Thirdly, it is through these active organisations that the Party will beable to establish its leadership over the mass organisations. So from nowon we shall have to help the members of the Activist Groups so that theycan fearlessly criticize the leaders of the mass organisations, and theirwork.
Fourthly, the work of the mass organisations will have to be discussed anddecided upon in the Party before it is implemented in the mass organisations.It should be remembered here that the policies of the mass organisationshave been wrongly practiced so long in the Party. To hold discussions onParty decisions is not called democratic centralism. This thinking is notin accordance with Marxism. And from all this thinking the conclusion hasto be drawn that the Party's programme will be adopted from below. But ifit is adopted from the lower level, then the correct Marxist way is notimplemented; in all these activities there inevitably is bourgeois deviations.The Marxist truth of democratic centralism is that the Party directive comingfrom higher leadership must be carried out. Because the Party's highest leaderis he who has firmly established himself as a Marxist through a long periodof movements and theoretical debates. We have the right to criticise Partydecisions; but once a decision has been taken, if any one criticizes it withoutimplementing it, or obstructs work, or hesitates to implement it, he willbe guilty of the serious offence of violating Party discipline.
As a result of having this idea of Party democracy as that of a debatingsociety, the road for espionage inside the Party is thrown open. Naturally,the revolutionary leadership of the Party then becomes bankrupt and the workingclass is deprived of a correct revolutionary leadership. This petty-bourgeoissort of thinking inside the Party leads the Party on to the verge of destruction.And this is the manifestation of petty-bourgeois thinking inside the Party.Their comfortable living and attitude of indisciplined criticism reducesthe Party to a mere debating society. This thinking becomes a hurdle in thepath of building up a Party of the proletariat--strong as iron.
Fifthly, the indisciplined life of the petty-bourgeoisie draws them towardsindisciplined criticism; that is, they do not want to criticize within thelimits of the organisation. To get rid of this deviation, we should remainconscious of the Marxist viewpoint regarding criticism. The characteristicsof Marxist criticism are: (1) Criticisms must be made within the Partyorganisation, that is, at the Party meeting. (2) The aim of criticism shouldbe constructive. That is, the aim of criticism is to advance the party fromthe point of view of principles and organisation, and we must always be vigilantthat there is no unprincipled criticism within the Party.
Come, comrades, in the present revolutionary era, let us complete the People'sDemocratic Revolution by fighting uncompromisingly against revisionism.

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  What is the Source of the Spontaneous Revolutionary Outburst in India  
9th April, 1965

Two events occured in the world in the era after the second world war. As,on the one hand, the naked form of the defeat of the so called Fascist powerswas exposed before the people, so also, on the other, the world socialiststate system under the leadership of Comrade Stalin created confidence inthe minds of the people. As a result, a spontaneous revolutionary outburstwas witnessed throughout the entire world. Above all, the success of theChinese revolution in 1949, without the war itself, brought about a newrevolutionary high tide in the midst of this spontaneous outburst about whichthe Communist Party of India could never make a correct assessment. As aresult the revolutionary change in the whole of Asia, Africa and Latin Americabrought about by this great revolution was never noticed by us. Hence, wefailed to understand the significance of this bold revolutionary slogan,the clarion call of the 650 million revolutionary people--"See, we have onour own taken ourselves on to the path of socialism. No, even US. imperialismfailed to check the tremendous motion of our irresistible revolutionary current."
But the fighting people did not make the mistake. That revolutionary sparkspread to Vietnam, Cuba, every country in the whole of Latin America.
The people of India responded to that call. We saw the expression of thisin the spontaneous democratic revolution of 1949 which was dimmed by us intrying to confine it within the narrow bounds of socialist revolution. Notonly that, there was an attempt to negate the significance of the entireChinese Revolution by openly criticizing the source of this spontaneous movement,the great Chinese Revolution and its Great Leader Comrade Mao Tsetung. Aboveall, later on, it was as a consequence to the denial of this Chinese Revolutionthat the slogan was raised within the Party that the revolution will be achievednot through the Chinese path but only through a truly Indian path. And fromhere itself was born today's revisionism. It was because of that leftsectarianism of those days that we were unable to guide that movement alongthe correct path.
But, no, Comrades! The tide of that revolutionary movement of 1949 couldnot be exhausted, because no imperialism could wipe off the Chinese Revolution,the Red Flag of hope of the city of Peking.
We saw again that ebbing movement turning into a huge tide in 1951 duringthe Korean war. It is a full blossoming of this that we saw in spontaneousmeetings, processions, in greeting the counter attack made unitedly by Chinaand Korea. It was the objective form of this that we witnessed in the greatvictory of the Communist Party in the 1951 election.
And it was the fighting form of this that we saw in the spontaneous erectionof barricades by the fighting masses in 1953-54.
We could not understand. But the bourgeoisie could understand, could recognizethe form of the fighting masses, could know its course. It realised thatthis great revolution could no longer be ignored, so to dupe the people itturned its face towards the socialist State, towards the great ChineseRevolution. That is why it participated in Panch Sheel, in the BandungConference.
Decadent imperialism also realised that it was not possible to carry on inthe old method. So it took a new form, introduced a new method of exploitationby giving dollars as gift. Neo-colonialism began.
When imperialism and all the reactionaries of the world were grouping fora way out, to save themselves, the revisionist policy of the traitor Krushchovin 1956 made its appearance before them with a light of new hope. The reactionarygovernment of India found a way to create illusion about Krushchov's independentcapitalist path. But the reactionary government knew that it was impractical,illusory. That is why the reactionary government of India's bourgeoisie enteredinto a secret pact with the U.S. imperialism in 1958.
That is why in 1959 as it launched an attack on democracy, on the one hand,by suspending the constitution in Kerala, so also it started, on the otherhand, slandering against the source of the spontaneous movement, the greatChinese People's Republic. It provided shelter to Tibet's imperialist agent,Dalai Lama. But when inspite of this the people spontaneously started alongthe path of struggle, the bourgeoisie without any delay shot dead 80 people.Thus the last possibility of peaceful transition to socialism ended.
But, no, Comrades, even then the people did not stand still before thegovernment's might. The spontaneous strike of 1960 spread all over Indiaon a massive scale, because the light of Chinese Revolution, the containerof a force hundred times, thousand times stronger than this force, is showingthem the way. That is why, comrades, even without the Communist Party, thepeople started on the path of struggle.
When the fighting people of this spontaneous struggle, being defeated witharms, were thinking of still harder struggle, the slogan of alternativegovernment of 1962 could not create revolutionary enthusiasm in their minds.Because they wanted a reply to the question--What will happen if the Keralaepisode is repeated in Bengal? We could not give a correct answer to thisquestion. We could not put forward this correct and bold slogan at that time--Inthe event of the Kerala episode recurring in Bengal, it is armed strugglethat would be the only way of overthrowing the government.
But the bourgeoisie did not make any mistake in noticing the image of themilitant masses. That is why in 1962 the panic stricken Indian governmentattacked the source of the struggle of the fighting masses, it attacked thegreat Chinese Democracy. But two events occurred as a result of which thebourgeoisie itself dug its grave. First, because of the defeat of the armedforces of the bourgeoisie, the naked form of the weakness of this governmentbecame as clear as daylight before the fighting masses. The fighting massesfound a new light of struggle. Secondly, because of the unilaterial withdrawalof the Chinese troops from the Indian areas, the poisonous influence of pervertednationalism could not touch the peasants. The bourgeoisie became panic-stricken;it imprisoned the communists.
But it could not stop the spontaneous struggle. Work stopped in Bombay. The"Dum Dum Dawai" was started. To get out of this terrible situation, thebourgeoisie released the communists and tried to utilise their internalconflicts. But the notorious letter of Dange, the running dog of imperialism,spoiled their hope. A new revolutionary Party was formed, Krushchov fellfrom power, world revisionism received a terrific blow. The pillar, by dependingon which the bourgeoisie had started attacks against China, began to shakein Viet Nam. The bourgeoisie saw the danger and found themselves, with theirback to the wall, unable to make any retreat. So it attacked, imprisonedtwo thousand communists. But the fighting masses gave their verdict in Kerala,the government saw the outburst of spontaneous movement. It tore off thelast mask of democracy.
But no, this spontaneous movement cannot be prevented even by imprisoninghundreds and thousands of communists and resorting to thousand ways ofrepression. Because the Chinese Revolution cannot be destroyed. No stormywind can put off the light of that Revolution. The delirious bourgeoisieknows that, so it has started raving about its own weak spots. It is trembling,imagining an organisation being formed within the military. It has startedseeing the ghost of Telengana.
Yes, Comrades, today we have to speak out courageously in a bold voice beforethe people that it is the area-wise seizure of power that is our path. Wehave to make the bourgeoisie tremble by striking hardest at its weakest spots.We have to speak out before the people in a bold voice--See, how poor, backwardChina, within sixteen years, has with the help of the socialist structure,made its economy strong and solid. On the other hand, we have to expose thistraitorous government which has, within seventeen years, turned India intoa playground of imperialist exploitation. It has converted the entire Indianpeople into a nation of beggars to the foreigners. Come, Comrades, let alltoiling people unitedly prepare for armed struggle against this governmentunder the leadership of the working class, on the basis of the programmeof agrarian revolution. On the other hand, let us lay the foundation of theNew People's Democratic India by building liberated peasant areas throughpeasant revolts.
Let us together, shoulder-to-shoulder, roar:

Long live the unity of the workers, peasants and the toiling masses !
Long live the imminent armed struggle of India !

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  Carry on the Struggle Against Modern Revisionism
We shall have to carry on daily the struggle against revisionism, adoptingthe tactics of area-wise seizure of power. Certain revisionist ideas arefirmly rooted inside the party. We shall have to carry on the struggle againstthem. We are discussing some questions here.
(1) The question that has assumed importance today in the struggle againstrevisionism is the complete support given by the Soviet leadership to thereactionary ruling class of India. They have announced that they will giveIndia an aid of Rs. 600 crores during the Fourth Five Year Plan. The ideathat Soviet aid is strengthening India's Independence is extremely wrong.For, there is no class analysis behind this. We shall have to place clearlybefore the people our views against this support. If support is given tothe government of India which is following the path of co-operation withimperialism, and feudalism, it is the reactionary class which is strengthened.So Soviet aid is not strengthening the democratic movement of India, butis increasing the strength of the reactionary forces in co-operation withUS-led imperialism and the Soviet. It is the Soviet-US. co-operation of modernrevisionism that we are observing in India--a satanic association againstthe people's liberation struggles in the future. We are seeing from ourexperience in India that the dominance of the big monopolists exists on theproduction of the big industries that have grown in the public sector withSoviet aid. So the State will not be able to control the power of the monopolistemployers through public sector industries, it is the monopolist employerswho are controlling the production of the public sector industries. Ourexperience is the same in both the cases of steel and petroleum.
(2) The question that has become important to us to-day is bourgeois nationalism.This nationalism is extremely narrow and it is narrow nationalism that istoday the biggest weapon of the ruling class. This weapon they are usingnot only in the case of China, but also on any question like Pakistan, etc.By raising the slogan of national unity and other slogans, they want to preservethe exploitation of monopoly capital. We should remember that the sence ofunity of India has arisen as a result of anti-imperialist movement. As theIndian Government is carrying on compromising with imperialism, that senseof unity is being struck at its root. There is only one aim at the root ofthe slogan of unity given by the present ruling class, and that is unityfor the exploitation by monopoly capital. So this slogan of unity is reactionaryand Marxists must oppose this slogan. The slogan--"Kashmir is an inalienablepart of India"--is given by the ruling class in the interest of plundering.No Marxist can support this slogan. It is an essential duty of the Marxiststo accept the right of self-determination by every nationality. On the questionsof Kashmir, Nagas, etc., the Marxists should express their support in favourof the fighters. The consciousness of a new unity will come in the courseof the very struggle against this government of India of imperialism, feudalismand big monopolists, and it is in the interest of the revolution that itwill be necessary to keep India united then. That unity will be a firm unity.It is from this consciousness of nationality that there have been strugglesin South India against the imposition of Hindi and 60 people have lost theirlives in this year of '65. So if the significance of this struggle is belittled,the working class will isolate itself from the struggles of the broader masses.It is in the interest of the working class that the efforts for developmentof these nationalities should be supported.
(3) "Establishing class analysis in the peasants' movement". At the presentstage of the revolution the entire peasantry is the ally of the working class,and this peasantry is the biggest force of the People's Democratic Revolutionof India and it is by keeping this in mind, we shall have to march forwardin the movement of the peasantry. But all peasants do not belong to the sameclass. There are mainly four classes among the peasants--rich, middle, poorand landless--and there is the rural artisan class. There are differencesin their revolutionary consciousness and ability to work according to theconditions. So Marxists must always try to establish the leadership of thepoor and landless peasants over the entire peasant movement. The mistakethat is often made while analysing the class of the peasants is to determineit on the basis of the title deeds of land. This is a dangerous mistake.It has to be analysed on the basis of their earning and level of living.The peasant movement will become militant to the extent we establish theleadership of the poor and landless peasants over the entire peasant movement.It should be remembered that whatever fighting tactics is accepted on thebasis of the support of the broad peasantry, it can never be in any senseadventurism.
It should be remembered that all these years, basing ourselves on the supportof the non-peasantry we have looked for narrowness of the peasant movement,and whenever repression came we thought that there must have been someadventurism. It should be remembered that no movement of the peasants onbasic demands will follow a peaceful path. For a class analysis of the peasantorganisation and to establish the leadership of the poor and landless peasants,the peasantry should be told in clear terms that no fundamental problem oftheirs, can be solved with the help of any law of this reactionary government.But this does not mean that we shall not take advantage of any legal movement.The work of open peasant associations will mainly be to organise movementsfor gaining legal benefits and for legal changes. So among the peasant massesthe most urgent and the main task of the party will be to form party groupsand explain the programme of the agrarian revolution and the tactics of area-wiseseizure of power. Through this programme, the poor and landless peasantswill be established in the leadership of the peasant movement.
(4) From 1959, on every democratic movement of India, the government hasbeen increasingly launching violent attacks. We have not given leadershipto any active resistance movement against these violent attacks. We gavethe call for passive resistance in the face of these attacks, like the mourningprocession after the food movement, among such instances. We shall have toremember Comrade Mao Tsetung's teaching--"Mere passive resistance againstrepression drives a wedge in the fighting unity of the masses and invariablyleads to the path of surrender." So, in the present era during any massmovement, active resistance movement will have to be organised. The programmeof active resistance has become an absolute necessity before any mass movement.Without this programme, to organise any mass movement today means to plungethe masses in despondency. As a result of the passive resistance of 1959,it was not possible to organise any mass rally on the demand for food inCalcutta in the years 1960-61. This organisation of active resistance willarouse a new confidence in the minds of the masses and the tide of strugglewill arise. What do we mean by active resistance? First, preservation ofcadres. For this preservation of cadres, proper shelters and communicationsystem are necessary. Secondly, teaching the common people the techniquesof resistance, like lying down in the face of firings, or taking the helpof some strong barrier, forming barricades, etc. Thirdly, efforts to avengeevery attack with the help of groups of active cadres, which has been describedby Comrade Mao Tsetung as "Tit for tat struggle." At the initialstage, in proportion to their attacks, we shall be able to avenge a few attacksonly. But if even a little success is gained in one case, extensive propagandawill create new enthusiasm among the masses. These active resistance strugglesare possible in cities and in the countryside, everywhere. This truth hasbeen tested in the Negro resistance movement of America.
(5) There is no clear-cut idea in the Party about the underground organisation.A secret organisation does not grow merely if a few leaders stay underground.On the contrary, these very leaders face the danger of getting isolated fromthe Party ranks. If party leaders go underground and work as leaders of openmass organisations, they will invariably get arrested. So the undergroundleadership will have to go forward with the work of building a secret Party.So, it is not a fact that the task of forming a secret Party is solely thatof the underground leaders; every Party member should work for the secretorganisation and through those new Party cadres the Party's links with themasses will be established. Only then the underground leaders will be ableto work as leaders. So in this era, the main call before the Party is--everyParty member will have to form a Party Activist Group. These Activist Groupswill have to be enthused with revolutionary politics. This task of formingActivist Groups will be the main task for all Party members of all fronts.How soon we can raise these activists to Party membership will depend onhow many new activists these activists will be able to collect. Only thenwe can get a large number of Party cadres unknown to the police and all thedifficulties of underground leaders in maintaining links with the party rankswill disappear. Some revisionist ideas among us, about political andorganisational matters and mass organisations etc. have been pointed outhere. Today Party members will have to think anew about every mass movement.In the style of our movement, in our organisational thinking, in other wordsin almost every sphere of our lives, revisionism has built its nest. As longas we cannot uproot it, the new revolutionary Party cannot be built, India'srevolutionary possibilities will be hindered. History will not forgive us.

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  What Possibility The Year 1965 is Indicating?
There are some comrades who get scared at the mentioning of armed struggles,and go on seeing the spectre of adventurism. They think that the work ofbuilding a revolutionary party has ended with the very adoption of the programmein other words with the adoption of the programme that is the strategic documentsat the Seventh Congress of the Party. Merely from some resolutions on movementsadopted at the Party Congress, they arrived at the decision as if besidesthe present stage of revolution and the class composition, the tactics ofthe present era had also been decided at the Seventh Congress. From theirwords, it appears as if peaceful mass movement itself is the main tacticsof struggle of the present era. Although they do not openly state Krushchov'stactics of peaceful transition to socialism, what they want to say almostamounts to the same thing. They want to say that there is no possibilityof revolution in India in the near future. So at present, we shall have tomove along the peaceful path. In the era of world-wide struggle againstrevisionism, they cannot openly state the revisionist decisions. But theyare abusing as adventurist and police spies anyone who is speaking of armedstruggle. Yet, even if we leave out the mass movement of Kashmir, the governmenthas killed at least 300 people during the last eight months, the number ofprisoners have risen to several thousands and one after another, the Stateshave been shaken by mass movements. What programmes are we placing beforethese agitators? Nothing! On the other hand we are dreaming--under our leadershiporganised peaceful mass movements will grow up. This itself is a shamelessinstance of revisionism. We are still unable to realize that in the presentera we cannot build up peaceful mass movements. For, the ruling class willnot give us and is not giving us either, such an opportunity. We should havedrawn this very lesson from the tram fare resistance movement. But we arenot taking that lesson. We have become anxious to organise satyagraha movements,we are not realizing that in the present era this satyagraha movement isbound to fail. It does not mean that satyagraha movements are altogetheroutmoded today. All types of movements have to be carried on at all ages;but the form of the main movement depends on the ruling class. The presentfeature of our age is that the government is fighting every movement by violentattacks. So for the people, the armed resistance movement has appeared asthe most important necessity. So in the interest of mass movements, the callshould be given to the working class, the fighting peasantry and every fightingpeople: (1) Take to arms; (2) Form armed units for confrontation; (3) Politicallyeducate every armed unit. Not to give this call means pushing without anyconsideration the unarmed masses to death. The ruling class wants that, forin this way they can break the strength of mind of the fighting masses. Theagitated masses today attack railway stations, police stations, etc. Innumerableagitations are bursting forth upon government buildings, or on buses, tramsand trains.
This is like that Luddites' agitation against machines. The revolutionarieswill have to give conscious leadership; strike against the hated bureaucrats,against police employees, against military officers; the people should betaught--repression is not done by police stations, but by the officers incharge of police stations; attacks are not directed by government buildingsor transport, but by the men of the government's repressive machinery, andagainst these men that our attacks are directed.
The working class and the revolutionary masses should be taught that theyshould not attack merely for the sake of attacking, but should finish theperson whom they attack. For, if they attack only, the reactionary machinerywill take revenge. But if they annihilate, everyone of the government'srepressive machinery will be panic-stricken. We should remember that theteaching of Com. Mao. Mao Tsetung's: "The enemy's armoury is our armoury."To build up that armoury the working class should take the lead. Itshould give leadership to the peasantry in the villages, and those very armedunits will be transformed into guerilla forces in the future. If these armedunits also are trained in political education, they themselves can buildbase areas for struggles in the countryside. Only through this method wecan make successful the People's Democratic Revolution. By forming thesefighting units among the working class and the revolutionary classes, wewill be able to build up that revolutionary Party, the Party which can standfirmly on revolutionary Marxism-Leninism and can carry out the responsibilityof the coming age. The government is failing to supply food to the people,so the people have become agitated. So it is in the interest of the reactionarybourgeoisie of India that India has attacked Pakistan. The US imperialistplan of the world war is also operating behind this war. By attacking Pakistan,the ruling class again wants to create a tide of bourgeois nationalism. Butthis time it is clear like daylight that India alone is the aggressor. So,as a result of the defeat of the Indian army, the anti-government strugglewill fast crystallize among the masses. So Marxists want today that theaggressive Indian army should be defeated. This defeat will create new massagitations. Not merely wishing that they should be defeated; Marxists atthe same time should make efforts so that this defeat becomes imminent. Inevery province of India agitations should be created on the lines the massagitation in Kashmir is progressing. The ruling class of India is tryingto solve its crisis by imperialist tactics. To resolve the imperialist warwe should advance along the path determined by Lenin. "Turn the imperialistwar into a civil war"--we should understand the significance of thisslogan. If we can realise the truth that the Indian revolution will invariablytake the form of civil war, the tactic of area-wise seizure of power canbe the only tactic. The tactic of seizure of power of China is the only tactics.The tactic which was adopted by China's Great Leader Com. Mao Tsetung--thesame tactic should be adopted by the Indian Marxists.
From this year's experience the peasants have seen that the government didnot take any responsibility of providing food to the poor peasant, but onthe contrary the repressive machinery of the government was unleashed themoment the peasant masses took to the path of any movement. Over and abovethis, by attacking Pakistan, more burdens were imposed upon the peasants.So the poor peasants should get prepared for next year. If they are deprivedof the crops in the field, they will have to die of starvation next year.So prepare yourselves now. How can the struggle to preserve the crops beconducted ? (1) Organise armed forces in every village. (2) Make arrangementsso that these forces can collect as much arms as they can and fix secretplaces to keep the arms. (3) Fix places for hiding the crops. In our pastdays we did not make any permanent arrangement for hiding the crops. So mostof the crops were either destroyed or fell in the hands of the enemy. Sopermanent arrangements should be made to keep the crops hidden. Where canthey be hidden? In every country of the world, wherever the peasant fights,crops have to be hidden. For the peasant, the only place to hide the cropscan be under the earth itself. In every area, every peasant will have tomake a place to hide the crops under the earth. Otherwise by no means thecrops can be saved from the enemy. (4) Besides armed units, small bands ofpeasants should be formed to keep guard, and maintain communications andother work. (5) Every unit will have to be given political education andpolitical propaganda should certainly be carried on. It should be rememberedthat it is only the political propaganda campaign that can make this strugglemore wide-spread and strengthen the fighting spirit of the peasant. Two tothree months are now left for harvesting. Within this period the Party unitsin the peasants areas should carry on political and organisational preparationsto continue this work, and should attain good grasp of the tactics of secretwork.
[After he had written this much, Comrade was arrested under the Defence ofIndia Rules. When this article was about to end, a big change came over theleftist politics of India. Because of this change, he thought of writingthe documents in a different way. But he did not get the chance. But whathe said verbally was:
All those so-called Marxist leaders and journals (Leftist) which have directlyraised the sky-rending slogan of defending the country, have betrayed Marxism.We shall not only have to carry on the theoretical struggle against them,but shall have to raise new confidence in the struggle among the revolutionariesin different corners of India through militant activities (a descriptionof the militant activities is given above), and this single spark itselfat this one place will create a prairie fire of revolution in different cornersall over India, the path of area-wise seizure of power will widen, the People'sDemocratic Revolution of India will be imminent.
Comrades, let us march forward firmly to give bold leadership to the armedstruggle in the coming says.]

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  The Main Task Today is the Struggle to Build up the True Revolutionary  Party Through Uncompromising Struggle Against Revisionism
The Party leaders after long imprisonment, after the Party Congress, forthe first time had a session of the full Central Committee. The centralleadership of the party which was formed through struggles against revisionism,adopted an ideological resolution and declared bluntly that all the criticismsmade against the Indian government by the great Chinese Party were wrong.At the same time they have stated in the resolution that criticism of Sovietrevisionist leadership should not be made public now, as otherwise the people'sfaith in socialism will decrease. That is, the mask must not be torn offthe attempt that is being made by the Soviet revisionist leadership incollaboration with the U.S. imperialism to establish world hegemony.
The leader of the Great Chinese Revolution, the Communist Party of China,and its leader Com. Mao Tsetung, are leading today the proletariat andrevolutionary struggles of the world. After Lenin, Comrade Mao Tsetung hastoday filled Lenin's position. So the struggle against revisionism cannotbe carried out by opposing the Chinese Party and Com. Mao Tsetung. The purityof Marxism-Leninism cannot be maintained. By opposing the Chinese Party,the Indian Party leadership has forsaken the revolutionary path ofMarxism-Leninism. They are trying to pass off revisionism by putting it intoa new bottle. So Party members should understand this clearly today thatin the struggle against revisionism, this Party leadership is not at allour comrade-in-arms, not even an associate.
Soviet revisionist leadership in collaboration with the US imperialism istoday trying for world hegemony. They are acting as enemies of every nationalliberation movement today. They are trying to establish the revisionistleadership by splitting the revolutionary parties and are shamelessly acingas agents of the US imperialism. They are today the enemies of the people'sliberation struggles in every country, enemies of the revolutionary struggles,enemies of revolutionary China, even the enemies of the Soviet people. Sono struggles against American imperialism can be made without carrying outan open struggle against this Soviet revisionist leadership. It is impossibleto lead the anti-imperialist struggle if it is not realized that the Sovietrevisionist leadership is not a partner in the anti-imperialist struggle.The party leadership, far from following this path is rather trying to convincethe people through different writings that the Soviet leadership, inspiteof a few mistakes, is basically opposing the policies of the Indian government,and is still moving along the path of socialism. That is, they are tryingto conceal in a cunning manner the fact that the Soviet leadership istransforming the Soviet Socialist State into a capitalist state graduallyand that the Soviet-American collaboration itself is because of that.
So, in the political and organisational analysis of India during the lasttwo years, there has been no mention of imperialist, particularly Americanimperialist interference, although from Johnson to Humphrey, all therepresentatives of US imperialism have repeatedly declared that they willuse India as a base against China. Such an important question did not cometo the notice of the Central Committee at all. So in the political andorganisational resolution, no word of caution has been uttered for partymembers against the imperialist counter-offensive. On the contrary, afterreading the entire resolution it appears that there has been no particularchange in the situation; that in some cases rigours have increased and theycan be fought through ordinary movements. The Party leadership is absolutelysilent about the new feature in the struggles during the last two years--theexpression of revolutionary violence against counter-revolutionary violence--thisnew emerging trend of mass movements. They posed the questions of mass movementin such a way that the simple conclusion that follows from it is that ourmain aim during the coming elections will be to establish a non-congressdemocratic government. In no part of their resolution it was mentioned thatthis election was being held to hide the exploitation and indirect rule byimperialism. The reactionary government of India through this election wantsto spread constitutional illusion and behind that, under imperialist instructionswants to build up our country as a counter-revolutionary base of South EastAsia, and wants to stem the resistance of the people by violent attacks onthe revolutionary sections of the masses. The experience of Indonesia hastaught us how violent today dying imperialism can become. It was theresponsibility of the Party leadership to prepare the Party members to facethis situation and to hold up clearly that the only way was revolutionaryviolence and to organise the entire Party on that basis. The leadership ofthe Indian Party not only did not do this work, but it has also made anytalk about revolutionary resistance illegal within the party.
The party leadership is raising the hue and cry of adventurism whenever ithears about "revolutionary resistance" or "armed struggle" But at the sametime they indiscriminately use the words "dehoarding of stocks," "gherao,""continuous stride," etc. But whenever there is any talk about resistingthe repression that invariably follows these struggling tactics, they regardit as adventurism. The slogan of "State-wide continuous strike" is nothingelse but a petty-bourgeois like ultra-Leftist slogan. On the one hand thisultra-Leftist slogan and on the other, in regard to the political question,a desperate desire to forge unity in the electoral field which means actingas an appendage of the bourgeoisie.
So this Party leadership is refusing to take the responsibility of the democraticrevolution of India and as a result of that they are resorting to the cunningtactics of modern revisionism, that is, the path of being revolutionariesin words and an appendage of the bourgeosie in deeds. So the revolutionaryparty can come up only through the destruction of the present party systemand its democratic framework. So to abide by the so called 'form' or"constitutional frame work" of this party, means to render Marxist-Leninistsineffective and to co-operate with the revisionist leadership.
So from the party leadership to the ordinary workers, all those who believein Marxism-Leninism, must come forward before the party members with therevolutionary views of Marxism-Leninism. Only then we can start work on buildingthe revolutionary Party. The Indian government has been forced to retreatin the face of the India-wide mass outburst. As a result, the scope of democraticmovement has increased in the period preceding the elections. The governmentis organising the counter-revolutionary forces in this period. The revolutionaryforces also will have to take full advantage of this apparently democraticatmosphere. The fighting tactics adopted by the masses during the recentmass movements, were nothing but "partisan" struggles of an initial stage.So the revolutionary forces must lead in an organised manner those "partisan"struggles and before the massive counter-revolutionary offensive starts,Party members must be well-trained in the tactics of these struggles throughtheories and concrete application.
The meaning of the Party Activist Groups today is that they will be "combatunits". Their main duty will be political propaganda campaign and to strikeagainst counter-revolutionary forces. We should always keep in mind Mao Tsetung'steaching--"Attacks are not for the sake of attacking merely, attacksare for annihilating only". Those who should be attacked are mainly:(1) the representatives of the state machinery like police, military officers;(2) the hated bureaucracy; (3) class enemies. The aim of these attacks shouldalso be the collection of arms. In the present age these attacks can be launchedeverywhere, in cities and in the countryside. Our special attention shouldbe paid especially to peasant areas.
In the post-election period, when the counter revolutionary offensive willassume a massive character, our main base will have to be established inthe peasant areas. So immediately now, we shall have to clearly put up beforeour organisation this view that with the development of sense of responsibilityamong working class and revolutionary petti-bourgeois cadres, they will haveto go to the villages immediately. So with the development of the sense ofresponsibility among the working class and petty bourgeois cadres, they willhave to be sent to the villages. In the period of counter-revolutionaryoffensive, our main tactics of struggle will be that of Great China, thetactics of encircling the cities with villages. How fast we can silence thecounter-revolutionary offensive depends on how soon we can build up the people'sarmed forces. It is true that in the beginning, we can achieve some success,but in the face of massive counter-revolutionary offensive, we shall haveto retaliate in the interest of self-preservation alone. Through this long-drawndifficult struggle, the People's Revolutionary Army will grow up--the armywhich is inspired by political consciousness, and made firm through politicalcampaign movements and encounters. Without this type of an army, it is notpossible to make the revolution successful, it is not possible to protectthe interests of the masses.
Comrades, instead of running behind spontaneous movements, partisan struggleswill have to be developed in an organised manner today. Not even six monthsare left. If we cannot begin this struggle within this period, we shall haveto confront the difficult task of organising in the face of imperialist attacks.

Communist Party of India, Maoist Centre

  Scanned and Formatted by the Maoist Documentation Project

Charu Mazumdar
Take This Opportunity

Written/Delivered: circa 1966  
Source:  The Collected Works of Charu Mazumdar
Published:   Deshabrati Prakashani, publishing house of the Undivided C.P.I. (M-L)
Online Version: Charu Mazumdar Reference Archive, April 2004
Transcribed/HTML Markup:  Basu Acharya and Mike B.

During the last two years, the spontaneous struggles of thepetty-bourgeois youths and students have created a stir from one end ofIndia to another. Although at the beginning the demand for food was themain demand, but gradually the demand for ousting the Congressgovernment has become main. Chairman Mao has said: "Thepetty bourgeois students and youth are a part of the people and at theinevitable conclusion of their struggle, the struggle of the workersand peasants will reach a high tide." So hardly had the struggleof the students and youth ended, the peasants' struggle has begun inBihar. Hundreds of peasants are harvesting and carrying away the crops.They are seizing the hoarded stocks of crops of landlords. Thisstruggle is bound to spread in the coming days to West Bengal and otherstates. The government is resorting to violent repression to supressthe agitating peasants. Chairman Mao has said: "Where there is oppression there is bound to be resistance against it." Sowe are witnessing spontaneous resistance in the struggles of thestudents and youth. The peasants of Bihar are carrying on resistancespontaneously. The official spokesmen are repeatedly declaring thatthey would resort to further repressive policies to preserve peace andorder. So the responsibility of consciously building up resistancestruggles has come up before the revolutionary working class and itsParty.
This era is the era of active resistance movement. Active resistancemovement will open up the source of the revolutionary genius of therevolutionary masses. It will spread the tide of revolution all overIndia. So in this age, to lead legal trade union or peasant associationmovement can never be the main task before the revolutionary cadres.Trade union or peasant association (Kisan Sabha) movementcannot be the main supplementary force in the present age ofrevolutionary tide. It would not be correct to draw from this theconclusion that trade unions or peasant associations have becomeoutmoded. For trade unions and kisan sabhas are basically organisationsto build up unity between Marxist-Leninist cadres and working class andpeasant masses. This unity will be consolidated only whenMarxist-Leninst cadres move forward in the work of building up therevolutionary party among the working class and peasant masses with thetactics of revolutionary resistance movement. The revolutionary workingclass and Marxist-Leninist cadres will have to go forward in the faceof peasant struggles to give active leadership to the peasants'struggles through resistance or "partisan" struggles. The reactionarygovernment of India has adopted the tactics of killing the masses; theyare killing them through starvation, with bullets. Chairman Mao hassaid: "This is their class character. They launch attacks on the people even at the risk of being defeated." Thereare some leaders who faced with these indiscriminate murders, getscared and seek protection. Chairman Mao has said about them: "They are cowards and unworthy of revolutionary leadership." Thereis another group of people who boldly face death. They try to avengeevery murder — they alone are revolutionaries and it is they who canshow the masses the path.
Apparently the government might look powerful, because it has in itshands food and arms. The people do not have food; they are unarmed. Butit is the unity and firm spirit of these unarmed masses that smash allthe arrogance of reaction and make the revolution successful. SoChairman Mao has said: "The reactionary force is actually a paper tiger." In the present era, our main task will be on the basis of three main slogans.
First, unity of workers and peasants. This unity does not mean that theworkers and petty-bourgeois masses will give only moral support to thepeasant movement. This slogan means the realization that the peasantsare the main force of the revolution in a semi-colonial and semi-feudalcountry like India, the unity of peasants and workers can grow only onthe basis of class struggle. So on the question of seizure of statepower, Chairman Mao has said: "It is the liberated area in the countryside which is the concrete application of workers-peasants unity." Soit is the responsibility of the workers, and particularly of thepetty-bourgeois masses to develop peasants movement for buildingliberated areas. So Chairman Mao has told petty-bourgeois students andyouth about movement: "Whether they are revolutionaries can be determined only by how much they become participants of this movement." Those who will not participate in this movement have the danger of becoming reactionaries.
Secondly, the revolutionary resistance movement, armed struggle. Thereactionary government of India has declared war against everystruggles for democratic demands of the masses. Inside India, it hascreated a playground for imperialist and feudal exploitation, and inits foreign policy it has turned India into a base of reaction incollaboration with imperialism and modern revisionists. The people ofIndia have become rebellious against this intolerable situation. Inthis situation, the revolutionary resistance movement or armed partisanstruggle of the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist Party against reactionand the passive resistance movement of the revisionist party, havetoday become the main part of the Party's politics. So every Partymember and revolutionary cadre will have to grasp this tactic ofstruggle. They should learn to practice it and temper the revolutionaryspirit of the masses through propaganda among the masses. The successof the struggle is depending on how far we can popularise the politicsof armed struggle through propaganda of it among the masses.
Thirdly, the building up of a revolutionary Party. In thisrevolutionary situation in India today, our Party organisation is notcapable of giving leadership. Without being firm in theory, clear inpolitics and without a mass base in respect of organisation, it isimpossible to give leadership in this revolutionary age of today.
(1) On the theoretical question: — It should be rememberedthat the Party leadership of the world's first socialist state, theSoviet Union, has been captured by a revisionist clique. As a result,revisionist influence has fallen on the Communist Parties of differentcountries of the world. In our country also as this revisionistinfluence was felt, the need for forming a seperate Party was felt. Andas a result of that, a seperate Party was formed at the 7th Congress.The formation of a seperate Party does not mean that the fight againstrevisionism has ended. Revisionism speaks of fighting againstimperialism, feudalism and the reactionary force, but in deeds itwidens the path of collaboration with these forces. Marxism-Leninismfirmly opposes these forces, avenges their every attack, and mobilizingthe masses through long-drawn struggle alone destroys these reactionaryforces. The old ideas become manifest in (i) not accepting theleadership of the great Chinese Party against internationalrevisionists; (ii) in not accepting the new developing forces; (iii) innot making the working class conscious of this new realization; (iv) innot aiding the struggle of the peasantry, which is the main ally of theworking class.
(2) Political: — The People's Democratic Revolution will have to be seen as the task of this moment. Chairman Mao has said, "No dying force gives up its power easily: freedom comes out only from the barrel of a gun." Soin our politics the main part will be armed struggle for seizure ofpower. The common people have started this armed strugglespontaneously. The main aim of our politics will be to establishconsciously this armed struggle on mass base. The basic three pointsare, (i) Worker-peasant unity under the leadership of the workingclass. (ii) Consciously establishing armed struggle on mass base, and(iii) firmly establish the leadership of the Communist Party. It isimperative not to leave aside any of these three tasks. This politicswill have to be propagated extensively among the masses.
(3) Organisational: — The mass base of the Party will have tobe extended. We have seen during the last few years, thousands ofmilitant cadres come to join the work of the organisation duringdifferent movements and struggles, try to give leadership to thestruggles, but the moment the movement stops, they again becomeinactive. Today, in the age of the revolutionary upsurge, people ofmany backward areas are coming forward on the road of struggles, and itis through those struggles that many young militant cadres are joiningthe work of the organisation. If we can educate these cadres in ourrevolutionary theory and politics, the Party can get its mass base. Weshall have to begin working boldly on collecting these cadres and onforming secret groups with them. These cadre-groups will carry onpolitical propaganda and will act as units of armed struggle. Thestriking power of the Party depends on how far we are able to formthese groups in increasing numbers among workers and peasants. Withwhom we are forming the groups and organisational details, likeshelter, dumps, etc., should certainly be kept secret. But ourtheories, politics and the slogan of Party formation must never be keptsecret. In the age of armed struggle, every Party unit must beparticipants in the armed struggle and be a self-reliant leader. Thegeneral elections are coming. During these elections the discontentedpeople desire to and will listen to politics. Before the elections,every party will try to propagate their politics among the masses. Weshall have to take advantage of these elections to propagate ourpolitics. Let us not be confused by the false slogan of non-congressdemocratic government. We shall have to take to the masses courageouslythe politics of our People's Democratic Revolution, that is, thepolitics of worker-peasant unity under working class leadership, ofarmed struggle, of establishing the leadership of the Party. If wefully take advantage of this it will not be possible for any leftistleader to oppose us. We shall have to take full advantage of thisopportunity.

Charu Mazumdar Internet Archive

[Reproduced from Sen, Panda and Lahiri, Naxalbari and After, Calcutta,Kathashilpa, 1978, pp. 177-187. ]

In the post-election period our apprehensions are being proved correct bythe actions of the party (CPI-M) leadership itself. The Polit Bureau hasdirected us to "carry on the struggle to defend the non-Congress ministriesagainst reaction". This suggests that the main task of Marxists is not tointensify the class struggle, but to plead on behalf of the Cabinet. So aconvention of party members was convened to firmly establish economism withinthe working class. Immediately thereafter, an agreement for a truce in industrywas signed at the Cabinet's initiative. Workers were asked not to resortto gheraos. What could be a more naked expression of class collaboration? After giving the employers full right to exploit, the workers are beingasked not to wage any struggle. Immediately after the Communist Party joinedthe Government that was installed as a result of a mighty mass movement,the path of class collaboration was chosen. The Chinese leaders predictedlong ago that those who had remained neutral in the international debatewould very soon take to the path of opportunism. Now, the Chinese leadersare saying that these advocates of a neutral stand are in reality revisionistsand they would soon cross over to the reactionary camp. In our country weare experiencing how true is this prediction. We have witnessed the betrayalof the working class. To this is to be added the announcement of the CommunistParty leader, Harekrishna Konar. In the beginning he promised that all vestedlands would be distributed among the landless peasants. Then the quantityof land to be distributed was slashed. In the end he informed that the existingarrangement would be left undisturbed this year. Remission of land revenuewas left to the mercy of junior land reforms officers (JLROs). The peasantswere shown the path of submitting petitions. They were further told thatforcible seizure of land would not be permitted. Harekrishna Babu is notonly a member of the Communist Party's Central Committee, he is also theSecretary of the Krishak Sabha in West Bengal. It was in responseto the call of the Krishak Sabha led by him that the peasants hadwaged a struggle for recovery of vested and benami land in 1959.In the interest of landowners the Government had resorted to repression andhad given decisions in favour of eviction, yet the peasants had not givenup possession of land in many-cases and had stuck on to the land on the strengthof village unity. Did the Krishak Sabha leader support their movementafter becoming a Minister ? No. The meaning of what he said was that vestedland would be re-distributed. Who will get it ? On this point the JLROs wouldseek the Krishak Sabha's views. But would such views be accepted?No such assurance has been given by Harekrishna Babu. But if the JLROs rejectthe Krishak Sabha's views, the peasants would under no circumstancesbe permitted to occupy land forcibly. Harekrishna Babu lost no time in makinghimself clear on this point. What is this? Is it not acting like a bill-collectorof the government and jodetars? Even Congressmen would not havedared plead on behalf of the feudal classes so unashamedly. Therefore, obeyingthe instructions of the party leaders would mean blindly accepting the feudalclasses' exploitation and rule. So the responsibility of the Communists isto expose the anti-class and reactionary role of this leadership to Partymembers and the people, to hold on to the principle of intensifying classstruggle and march ahead. Suppose, the landless and poor peasants acceptHarekrishna Babu's proposal and submit petitions. What will happen then?Some of the vested lands are no doubt fallow, but most of it is cultivableland. There are peasants in possession of such lands. Today, they are enjoyingthe land by virtue of licenses. Or, they are giving a share to jotedars.When that land is redistributed, it will inevitably result in frictionsamong poor and landless peasants. Taking advantage of this, rich peasantswill establish their leadership over the entire peasant movement, becauseas the rich peasant has opportunities for canvassing, so also he is a partnerof feudal influence. Therefore, Harekrishna Babu is not only trying to forsakethe path of struggle today, but he is also taking steps so that the peasantstruggle may not become militant in future also.
Yet we have adopted the programme of a people's democratic revolution andthe task of that revolution is to carry out land reforms in the interestof the peasants. Land reform in the peasant's interest is possible only whenwe are able to put an end to the sway of feudal classes over the rural areas.To do this, we shall have to seize land from the feudal classes and distributeit among the landless and poor peasants. We shall never be able to do thisif our movement is confined to the limits of economism. In every area wherethere has been a movement for vested land it is our experience that the peasantwho has got possession of vested land and secured the license is no longeractive in the peasant movement. What is the reason ? It is because the poorpeasant's class has changed within a year--he has turned into a middle peasant.So, the economic demands of poor and landless peasants are no more his demands.Therefore, economism causes a breach in the unity of fighting peasants andmakes the landless and poor peasants frustrated. Advocates of economism judgeevery movement by the quantity of paddy in maunds or of land inbighas that the peasant gets. Whether the peasant's fightingconsciousness has increased or not, is never their yardstick. So they donot make any effort to raise the peasant's class consciousness. Yet we knowthat no struggle can be waged without making sacrifices. Chairman Mao hastaught us that where there is struggle, there is sacrifice. At the initialstage of the struggle the strength of reaction must be greater than the strengthof the masses. Therefore, the struggle will be protracted. Since the massesare the progressive force, their strength will increase day after day butas the reactionary forces are moribund, their strength will decline steadily.So, no revolutionary struggle can be successful unless the masses are rousedto make sacrifices. From this basic revolutionary outlook, economism leadson to the blind alley of bourgeois outlook. This is what the party leadersare trying to achieve through their activities. A review of all our pastpeasant struggles will show that the Party leaders have imposed compromiseson the peasants from above. Yet it was the responsibility of Party leadershipto establish the fighting leadership of the working class over the peasantmovement. They did not do this before, they are not doing it even now. Nowthey are suggesting reliance on laws and the bureaucracy. Lenin has saidthat even if some progressive legislation is enacted but bureaucracy is giventhe charge of implementing it, the peasants will get nothing. So, our leadershave gone a long distance off the revolutionary path.
Agrarian revolution is the task of this very moment; this task cannot beleft undone, and without doing this, nothing good can be done for the peasants.But before carrying out agrarian revolution, destruction of State power isnecessary. Striving for agrarian revolution without destruction of Statepower means outright revisionism. So, destruction of State power is todaythe first and principal task of peasant movement. If this cannot be doneon a country-wide, State-wide basis, will the peasants wait silently? No,Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought has taught us that if in any area thepeasants can be roused politically, then we must go ahead with the task ofdestroying State power in that area. This is what is known as peasants' liberatedarea. The struggle for building up this liberated area is the most urgenttask of the peasant movement today, a task of this moment. What shall wecall a liberated area ? We shall call that peasant area liberated from whichwe have been able to overthrow the class enemies. For building up this liberatedarea we need the armed force of the peasants. When we speak of the armedforce we have in mind the arms made by the peasants. So also we want arms.Whether the peasants have come forward to collect awns or not is the basison which we shall judge whether they have been politically roused. Wherefromshall the peasants get guns ? The class enemies have guns and they live inthe village. Guns have to be taken forcibly from them. They will not handover their arms to us voluntarily. Therefore, we shall have to seize gunsforcibly from them. For this, peasant militants will have to be taught alltactics, right from setting fire to the houses of class enemies. Besides,we shall secure guns from the armed forces of the Government by attackingthem all on a sudden. The area in which we are able to organise thisgun-collection campaign shall quickly be transformed into a liberated area.So, for carrying out this task it is necessary to propagate extensively amongthe peasants the politics of building up armed struggle. It is, moreover,necessary to organise small and secret militant groups for conducting thegun-collection campaign. Simultaneously with propagating the politics ofarmed struggle, members of these groups will try to successfully implementspecific programme of gun-collection. Mere collection of arms does not alterthe character o f struggle--the guns collected have to be used. Only thenwill the creative ability of the peasants develop and the struggle will undergoa qualitative change. This can be done only by poor and landless peasants,the firm ally of the working class. The middle peasant is also an ally, buthis fighting consciousness is not as intense as that of poor and landlesspeasants. So he cannot be a participant in the struggle right at thebeginning--he needs some time. That is why class analysis is an essentialtask for the Communist Party. The great leader of China, Chairman Mao Tsetunghad, therefore, taken up this task first and was able to point out infalliblythe path of revolutionary struggle. So the first point of our organisationalwork is establishing the leadership of poor and landless peasants in thepeasant movements. It is in the process of organising peasant movement onthe basis of the politics of armed struggle that the leadership of the poorand landless peasants will be established. Because, of the peasant classes,they are the most revolutionary. A separate organisation of agriculturallabourers will not help this task. Rather, a separate organisation ofagricultural labourers encourages the trend towards trade union movementbased on economism and intensifies conflicts among peasants. The unity ofthe allied classes is not strengthened, because in our agricultural systemthe exploitation of feudal classes is foremost. Another question that comesup in this very context is that of compromise with small owners. What shallbe the Communists' outlook in this regard? In regard to compromises we shallhave to consider whom do we support. So, we cannot support any other classas against them. In the peasant movement (in India) the Communists have alwaysbeen compelled to give up the interests of poor and landless peasants inthe interest of the petty-bourgeoisie. This weakens the fighting determinationof the poor and landless peasants. In regard to middle and rich peasantsalso we should have different stand. If we look upon rich peasants as middlepeasants, the poor and landless peasants will be frustrated. Again, if welook upon middle peasants as rich peasants, the fighting enthusiasm of themiddle peasants will diminish. So, the Communists must learn to make classanalysis of peasants in every area in accordance with Chairman Mao'sinstructions.
Again and again the unrest among the peasants of India has burst forth. Theyhave repeatedly sought guidance from the Communist Party. We have not toldthem that the politics of armed struggle and the gun-collection campaignconstitute the only path. This path is the path of the working class, thepath of liberation, the path of establishing a society free from exploitation.In every State throughout India the peasants are today in a state of unrest,the Communists must show them the path. That path is the politics of armedstruggle and the gun-collection campaign. We must firmly uphold this oneand only path of liberation. The great cultural revolution of China has declareda war on all kinds of selfishness, group mentality, revisionism, tailismof the bourgeoisie, eulogy of bourgeois ideology--the blazing impact of thatrevolution has reached India also. The call of that revolution is--"Be preparedto resolutely make all kinds of sacrifices, remove the obstacles along thepath one by one, victory shall be ours." However terrible the appearanceof imperialism, however ugly the snare laid by revisionism, the days of thereactionary forces are numbered, the bright sunrays of Marxism-Leninism-MaoTsetung thought shall wipe off all darkness.
So the question naturally arises: Is there no need for peasants' mass struggleon partial demands in this era ? Certainly the need is there and will bethere in future also. Because India is a vast country and the peasants arealso divided into many classes, so political consciousness cannot be at thesame level in all areas and among all the classes. So there will always bethe opportunity for and possibility of peasants' mass movement on the basisof partial demands and the Communists will always have to make full use ofthat opportunity. What tactics shall we adopt in conducting movements forpartial demands and what shall be their objective? The basic point of ourtactics is whether the broad peasant class has rallied or not, and our basicobjective shall be the raising of the class consciousness of thepeasants--whether they have advanced along the path of broadbased armed struggle.Movements based on partial demands shall intensify class struggle. The politicalconsciousness of the broad masses shall be raised. The broad peasant massesshall be roused in making sacrifices, the struggle shall spread to newerareas. The movements for partial demands may take any form but the Communistsshall always propagate the necessity of higher forms of struggle among thepeasant masses. Under no circumstances shall the Communists try to pass thetype of struggle acceptable to the peasants as the best. In reality theCommunists shall always carry on propaganda among peasants in favour ofrevolutionary politics, i.e., the politics of armed struggle and gun-collectioncampaign. Despite this propaganda, the peasants will possibly decide to goon mass deputations and we shall have to conduct that movement. In timesof white terror the effectiveness of such mass deputation must in no waybe underestimated, because these mass deputations will increasingly drawpeasants into the struggle. Movements on partial demands are never to becondemned but it is a crime to conduct these movements in the manner ofeconomism. It is a crime, moreover, to preach that movements on economicdemands will automatically take the form of political struggle, because thisis worshipping spontaneity. Such movements can show the path to the masses,help d evelop clarity of outlook, inspire in making sacrifices. At everystage of struggle there is only one task. Unless that task is done, the strugglewill not reach the higher stage. In this era that particular task is thepolitics of armed struggle and the gun-collection campaign. Whatever we maydo without carrying out this task, the struggle will not be raised to thehigher stage. The struggle will collapse, the organisation will collapse,the organisation will not grow. Similarly, there is only one path of India'srevolution, the path shown by Lenin--building up the people's armed forcesand the republic. Lenin had said in 1905 that these two tasks must be carriedout wherever possible, even if these were not feasible in regard to the wholeof Russia. Chairman Mao has enriched this path shown by Lenin. He has taughtthe tactics of people's war and China has attained liberation along thispath. Today that path is being followed in Vietnam, Thailand, Malaya, Philipines,Burma, Indonesia, Yemen, Leopoldville, Congo, in different countries of Africaand Latin America. That path has also been adopted in India, the path ofbuilding the people's armed forces and the rule of the liberation front whichis being followed in Naga, Mizo and Kashmir areas. So the working class willhave to be called upon and told that it must lead India's democratic revolutionand the working class will have to carry out this task by providing leadershipto the struggle of its most firm ally, the peasantry. So, it is theresponsibility of the working class to organise the peasant movement andraise it to the stage of armed struggle. The vanguard of the working classwill have to go to the villages to participate in armed struggle. This isthe main task of the working class "Collect arms and build up bases of armedstruggle in rural areas"--this is called the politics of the working class,the politics of seizure of power. We shall have to rouse the working classon the basis of this politics. Organise all the workers in trade unions--thisslogan does not raise the political consciousness of the working class. Thisdoes not certainly mean that we shall not organise any more trade unions.This means that we shall all not get the Party's revolutionary workers boggedin trade union activities--it would be their task to carry on politicalpropaganda among the working class, i.e., to propagate the politics of armedstruggle and gun-collection campaign, and build up Party organisation. Amongthe petty-bourgeoisie also our main task is political propaganda and propagationof the significance of peasant struggle. That is to say, on every front theresponsibility of the Party is to explain the importance of peasant struggleand call for participation in that struggle. To the extent we carry out thistask, we shall reach the stage of conscious leadership in the democraticrevolution. Opposition to this basic Marxist-Leninist path of the Party iscoming not only from revisionists. The revisionists are taking the path ofclass-collaboration straightaway, so it is revolution; the bourgeois partieshad come to power and there was power in the hands of workers', peasants'and soldiers' soviets also. Because of the existence of this dual power,leadership of the working class became effective and only when in these sovietsthe petty-bourgeois parties handed over power to the bourgeoisie did it becomepossible for the working class to accomplish the October revolution.
They do not analyse the objective conditions of India. They do not take lessonsfrom the struggles that are being waged in India. The main cause of successof the Russian revolution was the correct application of the tactics of theunited front. The question of united front tactics is equally important inIndia too. But the tactics of India's democratic revolution will be differentin form. In India also, in Naga, Mizo, Kashmir and other areas, strugglesare being waged under petty-bourgeois leadership. In the democratic revolution,therefore, the working class will have to march forward by forming a unitedfront with them. Struggles will break out in many other new areas under theleadership of bourgeois or petty-bourgeois parties. The working class willalso enter into alliances with them and the main basis of this alliance willbe anti-imperialist struggle and the right to self-determination. The workingclass necessarily admits this right, together with the right to secession.
Although those who dream of revolution in India along the path of Octoberrevolution are revolutionaries, they are not capable of providing a boldleadership because of their doctrinaire outlook. They do not realize thesignificance of peasant struggles and thus unconsciously become propagandistsof economism within the working class. They are unable to assimilate theexperiences of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. A section ofthem becomes disciples of Che Guevara and fails to emphasise the task oforganising the peasantry, main force of India's democratic revolution.Consequently, they inevitably become victims of Left deviation. So we shallhave to pay special attention to them and help them gradually educate themselves.Under no circumstances should we be intolerant in regard to them. Besides,there is amongst us a group of revolutionary comrades who accept the ChineseParty and the Thought of the great Mao Tsetung and also accept that as theonly path. But they view the book 'How to be a good Communist' as the onlyroad to self-cultivation and are consequently led into a serious deviation.The only Marxist road to self-cultivation taught by Lenin and Chairman Maois the path of class struggle. Only through tempering in the fire of classstruggle can a Communist become pure gold. Class struggle is the real schoolof Communists and the experience of class struggle has to be verified inthe light of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and lessons have to betaken. So the main point of Party education is application of the teachingsof Marxism-Leninism in class struggle, arriving at general principles onthe basis of that experience and taking back to the people the principlessummed up from experience. This is what is called 'from the people to thepeople'. This is the basic point of Party education. These revolutionarycomrades are unable to realise this fundamental truth of Party education.As a result they commit idealist deviations in regard to Party education.Chairman Mao Tsetung has taught us that there cannot be any education apartfrom practice. In his words, 'doing is learning'. Self-cultivation is possibleonly in the process of changing the existing conditions through revolutionarypractice.

Revolutionaries of the world unite !
Long live the revolutionary unity of workers and peasants !
Long live Chairman Mao Tsetung !

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  30 years of
  An  Epic of HEROIC Struggle and  Sacrifice

  Naxalbari lives and will live. This is because it is based on
  invincible Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. We
  know that as we move forward we shall face many obstacles,
  many difficulties, many acts of betrayal and there will be many
  setbacks. But Naxalbari will not die............
  Comrade Charu Mazumdar


  Taken over from the hands of one Martyr to another
  The Red Flag dipped in Martyrs' blood
  Shall Fly forever, forever!

  CPI(ML) Founder Leader Comrade Charu Mazumdar



      [td][/td]      [td][/td]    
      [td][/td]      [td][/td]    

15th August 1947..... The Union Jack is lowered,the tri-colours unfurled. A hope is awakened. Independence, freedom and abetter life is expected and promised by the new rulers. A great enthusiasmenvelops the country. Time passes and so does Nehru, the first Prime ministerof the country. Slogans of socialism, non-alignment of the Nehru era giveway to Shastri's Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan and then Indira Gandhi's Garibi hatao.Now, twenty years have passed, a full two decades. The situation remainsthe same. The hopes are dashed, the expectations turn to frustration. TheBritish are gone, but their capital remained, their laws remained, theircolonial structures remained.... merely added was the parliamentary edifice.To British capital, was added American capital. While people continued tolive in grinding poverty, the Tatas, Birlas of the country filled their cofferswith enormous wealth. People's cries for justice were as ruthlessly suppressed,as in the British Raj. The slogans of the rulers remained as mere slogans,the reality seemed different. The people were now searching, seeking somethinggenuine, seeking real answers. The people's frustrations was reflected inthe results of the February 1967 general elections; when, for the first time,non-Congress governments were formed in eight states. And then in the springof 1967, a new ray of hope, shattered the darkness engulfing the country.A fresh breeze from the East began to displace the stagnant, putrid air ofthe past twenty years. The veil of lies and deceit behind which our rulerstook protection, was torn asunder. A clap of  thunder struck the remotevillage of Naxalbari in North Bengal, and its reverberations shook the conscienceof the entire country.
18th March, 1967.... The red flag is hoisted. The peasantconvention of the Siliguri sub-division is in session, at Naxalbari. Fivehundred delegates, some armed with bows and arrows, chalk out a new pathfor their future. Revolutionary leaders explain the bankruptcy of the CPI(M) and the peaceful path to change. The Chinese revolution is given as anexample of how the poor can seize political power in a backward semi-feudalcountry. The convention ends with a call for the immediate seizure of landand the setting up of liberated base areas. The peasants prepare for launchingtheir offensive against the landlords of the area..

The First Spark
  Naxalbari Gets Recognition
  The Naxalbari Path
  Towards a New Party
  The Prairie Fire
  Naxalbari-type Upsurge
      (1) Srikakulam
      (2) Birbhum
      (3) Debra-Gopiballavpur
      (4) Mushahari
      (5) Lakhimpur-Kheri
  Profile of a Leader
The Government Onslaught
  Martyrdom of CM
  Movement Recedes
  Three Trends Emerge
A Self-Critical Review
  The Importance of Mao Ze Dong Thought

          (1) Maoist Communist Centre
          (2) CPI (ML) Party Unity
  Andhra Pradesh:
        (1) The Initial Regrouping
          (2) Telangana Regional  Conference
          (3) A Cultural Resurgence
          (4) The Student Movement
          (5) Go to Village Campaign
          (6) Resurgence of the Peasant  Movement
          (7) Civil Liberties Movement
          (8) Formation of CPI (ML) (PW)
Guerilla Zone Perspective
  Movement's Extension
      (1) Dandakaranya
      (2) North Telangana
War of Self Defence
  Efforts to Maintain Mass Links
  Party Consolidates and Retaliates
  Peoples' Movement Regains Initiative
Tasks in the New Conditions of Repression
  Struggle Continues
  Growing Armed Resistance
Economic Gains
  Political Authority of Peasant Committees
  Social Transformation
Continuing the Legacy of Naxalbari
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Com.       Vempatapu       Sathyam

  Com. Panchadi       Nirmala

  Com.       Panchadi       Krisha       Murthy

  Puli       Anjanna       (Sagar)       APSCS
October       1993

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  Com.       Saroj       Dutta

  Hari       Bhushan

  Swarupa       (Jyothi)
Seernaplli       5-2-92

  Kongala       Sudhakar       Reddy

  Muralidhara       Raju

  I.V.       Sambasiva       Rao       (Master),       CCM
28       Feb.       1997

  Seetha       (Nagulakonda)

  Chintala       Venkata       Swamy
(Suryam)       APSCM


  Sneha       Latha

Madhava       Reddy
DCM       (KNR)

Gaddar at a Martyrs column

Naxalbari Lal Salaam !

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Kongala Sudhakar Reddy

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  PART - 1
  A new dawn was breaking...........
  The First Spark
Throughout 1966 itself the groundwork had been laid. In 1965/66the 'Siliguri Group' [of the newly formed CPI (M)] brought out as many assix cyclostyled leaflets calling for the immediate commencement of armedrevolution. One of these leaflets gave a call to initiate partisan warfarein the Terai region within six months. Throughout 1966 revolutionaries organisedpeasant cells in every part of Siliguri sub-division; bows and arrows andeven a few rifles were gathered and liaison established with the NepaleseMaoists active just a few miles away. In late 1966 a Revolutionary Kisanmeeting was organised in Siliguri. On March 3, 1967 the seeds of strugglebegan to sprout......... A group of peasants surrounded a plot of land inNaxalbari region; marking the boundaries with red flags, they began harvestingthe crop.
Then.... the March 18 Convention was the signal for the peasantupsurge, which engulfed the entire area for four months. The U.F. governmentin West Bengal sought to diffuse the movement by announcing token land reforms.The revolutionary peasants replied to the revisionist rulers by setting uppeasant committees to take over the land of the jotedars. Huge processionsand demonstrations were organised by Kisan committee members, many of whomwere armed with lathis, spears, bows and arrows. A sea of red flags struckterror into the hearts of the landlords and the countryside reverberatedwith the slogan "March forward along the path of armed peasantrevolution."
The first clash was ignited when a share-cropper, Bigul Kisan,was beaten by armed agents of a local jotedar. This was followed by violentclashes and the forcible seizure of land and confiscation of food grains,by armed units of the Kisan committee. Any resistance by the landlords andtheir gangs was smashed and a few killed. By end May the situation reachedthe level of an armed peasant uprising. The CPI (M) leaders, who were nowin power, first tried to pacify the leaders of the movement........havingfailed, Jyoti Basu, the then home minister of West Bengal, ordered in thepolice. On 23rd May the peasantry retaliated killing an inspector at Jharugaonvillage. On May 25, in Naxalbari, the police went berserk killing nine womenand children. In June the struggle intensified further, particularly in theareas of Naxalbari, Kharibari and Phansidewa. Firearms and ammunition weresnatched from the jotedars by raiding their houses. People's courts wereestablished and judgments passed. The upheaval in the villages continuedtill July. The tea garden workers struck work a number of times in supportof the peasants. Then on July 19, a large number of para-military forceswere deployed in the region. In ruthless cordon and search operations, hundredswere beaten and over one thousand arrested. Some leaders like Jangal Santalwere arrested, others like Charu Mazumdar went underground, yet others likeTribheni Kanu, Sobhan Ali, Gorkha Majhi and Tilka Majhi became martyrs. Afew weeks later, Charu Mazumdar wrote "Hundreds of Naxalbaris are smolderingin India........ Naxalbari has not died and will never die. "

  Naxalbari Gets Recognition
The Communist Party of China, then the centre for worldrevolution, hailed the uprising. On June 28, 1967 Radio Peking broadcast:"A phase of peasants' armed struggle led by the revolutionaries of theIndian Communist Party has been set up in the countryside in Darjeeling districtof West Bengal state of India. This is the front paw of the revolutionaryarmed struggle launched by the Indian people...... ". Within a week,the July 5th edition of People's Daily carried an article entitled'Spring Thunder over India' which said: "A pealof spring thunder has crashed over the land of India. Revolutionary peasantsin Darjeeling area have risen in rebellion. Under the leadership of arevolutionary group of the Indian Communist Party, a red area of ruralrevolutionary armed struggle has been established in India..... The Chinesepeople joyfully applaud this revolutionary storm of the Indian peasants inthe Darjeeling area as do all the Marxist-Leninists and revolutionary peopleof the world. "
Meanwhile, revolutionaries in Calcutta, who had also beenrunning a campaign against revisionism, took up a massive campaign in supportof the Naxalbari uprising. The walls of college streets were plastered withposters saying: "Murderer Ajoy Mukherjee (the Chief minister) must resign."The revolutionaries [still within the CPI (M)] held a meeting in Ram MohanLibrary Hall in Calcutta and formed the 'Naxalbari Peasants Struggle AidCommittee', which was to become the nucleus of the Party of thefuture. Simultaneous to the police action, the CPI (M) expelled a large numberof their members. Sushital Roy Chowdhary, a member of the West Bengal statecommittee and editor of their Bengali party organ was expelled. So were otherleading members like Ashim Chatterjee, Parimal Das Gupta, Asit Sen, SunitiKumar Ghosh, Saroj Datta and Mahadev Mukherjee. The Darjeeling district committeeand Siliguri sub-divisional committee were dissolved.
The spark of Naxalbari set aflame the fires of revolutionin Srikakulam, Birbhum, Debra-Gopiballavpur, Mushahari and Lakhimpur-Kheri.The states of West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, U.P and Tamil Nadusaw a big spurt in Naxalbari-inspired struggles and Maoist formations sproutedin nearly every state of India.
  The Naxalbari Path
Naxalbari put armed struggle onto the agenda of Indianrevolution..... and since then, the Indian political scene has never remainedthe same. Naxalbari took place at a time when not only the Indian masseswere getting disillusioned by the twenty years of fake independence, but,at a time when the entire world was in turmoil. Small countries like Vietnam,Laos and Kampuchea were striking major blows at the might of the U.S. Army;national liberation movements were surging forward in a number of underdevelopedcountries; in Europe and America massive anti-imperialist demonstrationsagainst US involvement in Vietnam merged with a violent outburst of the Blackand women's movement; the student-worker revolt in France shook the DeGaulleestablishment; and, most important of all, in China, the Great ProletarianCultural Revolution (in the backdrop of the Great Debate) attacked therevisionist ossification and distortions of Marxism. In the Communistarena all Parties throughout the world were compelled to take positions inthe Great Debate, between the CPC (Communist Party of China) and the CPSU(Communist Party of the Soviet Union) which had been going on since Krushchevrestored capitalism in the USSR in the late 1950s. Naxalbari was a productand a part of this ideological-political ferment taking place throughoutthe globe.
Most important, Naxalbari restored the revolutionary essenceof Marxism on the Indian soil which had been distorted, corrupted and destroyedby the revisionist semantics of the CPI and the then nascent CPI (M). Naxalbariprovided the answers both ideologically and practically.

ON THE QUESTION OF PROGRAMME it attacked the revisionistconcepts of the CPI and CPM which saw India as basically a capitalist countrywith 'feudal remnants'.......and clearly analysed India as a semi-feudalcountry. It also attacked the revisionist theory that the ruling bourgeoisiein India is basically national in character and that India achieved genuineindependence in 1947...... and clearly stated that the ruling bourgeoisieis comprador, Indian independence fake, and that India is a semi-colony.It outlined the stage of revolution as New Democratic, the enemies of revolutionas imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucrat capitalism, while thefriends of revolution being the workers, peasants, middle-classes and nationalbourgeoisie - with peasants as the main force and working class as the leadingforce.
ON THE QUESTION OF STRATEGY it opposed the path of 'peacefultransition' put forward by the CPI and CPM, and upheld the path of protractedpeople's war. It clearly stated that the path to liberation lay in guerillawarfare, building a people's army, creating liberated base areas in thecountryside and gradually encircling and capturing the cities. It statedthat the immediate goal was the establishment of a people's democraticdictatorship (of the four classes) as the first step towards transition tosocialism. The final goal was communism.
IN THE REALM OF TACTICS it rejected parliamentarism and calledfor the boycott of elections. It fought against economism, legalism and reformismin methods of work and organisation.
ON POLITICAL QUESTIONS it pin-pointed the two superpowers,US imperialism and Soviet Social imperialism, as the main enemies of theworld people; it exposed the modern revisionists of the Soviet Union; itdeclared India as a multi-national country and supported the right ofnationalities to self-determination including secession.
AND MOST IMPORTANT, IN THE REALM OF IDEOLOGY, it uncompromisinglyfought against revisionism and all forms of bourgeois ideology within theworking class movement and strongly upheld Marxism-Leninism-Mao ZeDong Thoughtas Marxism of the present day. Particularly, it established Mao's thoughtas a development of Marxism-Leninism and undertook a big campaign to populariseit. This had a lasting impact, particularly on the student and youth of thecountry. Specifically, inspired by the on-going Great Proletarian CulturalRevolution in China, it responded enthusiastically to Mao's clarion call"It is right to rebel against reaction. " It thoroughly imbued thespirit of the GPCR call to "Fight self-interest and repudiate revisionism", by displaying a death-defying spirit of self-sacrifice, total devotionto the oppressed masses and a burning class hatred against the perpetratorsof exploitation in the country. Thereby, it struck at the class-collaborationistapproach of the revisionists and the pseudo-liberal approach of the intellectualMarxists and gained enormous affection from the poorest in ourcountry.
Though later, some tactical errors and a massive offensiveby the enemy led to a temporary setback, Naxalbari made an indelible impacton the revolutionary movement in the country.
  Towards a New Party
While the Naxalbari movement was crushed, the politics andideology behind the Naxalbari uprising spread throughout the country. The'Naxalbari Peasants Aid Committee' (or 'Naxalbari Krishak Sangram SahayakSamiti')) held a conference which decided to form the 'All India CoordinationCommittee of Revolutionaries of the CPI (M)'. On November 12, 13, 1967 communistrevolutionaries from all over the country met and established the 'AllIndia Coordination Committee of Revolutionaries of the CPI(M)'. A provisional committee was formed to consolidateall revolutionaries and gradually form a revolutionary party.
The coordination committee undertook the task of propagatingMarxism-Leninism-Mao ZeDong Thought; uniting all communist revolutionarieson this basis; waging an uncompromising struggle against revisionism; developingand coordinating the revolutionary struggles specially peasant strugglesof the Naxalbari type; and preparing a revolutionary programme and tacticalline. In May 1968, at its second meeting held on the eve of the first anniversaryof the Naxalbari uprising the coordination committee was re-named as the'All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries' (AICCCR)with Sushital Ray Chowdhary as its convenor.
Earlier, the communist revolutionaries decided to bring outa political paper to propagate the revolutionary line. The first issue of'Liberation' was brought out on November 11, 1967 with Suniti KumarGhosh as its editor. 'Deshabrati' was brought out in Bengali. At its peak the circulation of 'Liberation' touched 2,500 and that of 'Deshabrati'40, 000.
Meanwhile Naxalbari-type struggles spread like wild-firethroughout 1968, and the struggle in Srikakulam was growing into a majoruprising.
Under these conditions the AICCCR in its February 8, 1969meeting adopted the resolution to form a Party. At the plenary sessionmeeting of the AICCCR held between April 19 to 22, 1969 the final decisionwas taken and on the hundredth birth anniversary of Lenin the Communist Partyof India (Marxist-Leninist) was founded. A coordination committee was formed to draft the Party constitution and prepare for the PartyCongress. The Party 's formation was announced by Kanu Sanyal at a mammothMay Day rally held at the Calcutta maidan.
In the process of formation of the Party the Dakshin Deshgroup and the APCCCR (Andhra Pradesh Coordination Committee of CommunistRevolutionaries) did not join. The Dakshin Desh group felt that it was hastyto form the Party at that juncture and it also had differences with the methodof formation of the Party, while the APCCCR had differences with the politicalline of CPI (ML). The Dakshin Desh Group went on to form the Maoist CommunistCentre (MCC) which is today, along with CPI (ML) Party Unity, spearheadingthe armed struggle in Bihar. The APCCCR continued with its right deviations,later splitting into two factions - the T. Nagi Reddy - D. V. Rao factionof the UCCCRI (ML) and, the C. P. Reddy faction which later merged with therevisionist Satyanarayan Singh faction of the CPI (ML) in 1975 only to splitagain into a number of factions.
By mid-1969 the government had moved in the para-militaryforces into all the struggle areas and a man-hunt was launched for the leadersof the CPI (ML). The movement went fully underground. In April 1970 thegovernment raided the office and printing press of 'Liberation' and 'Deshabrati'which too continued from the underground. The government began its campaignof liquidating the communist revolutionaries.
On May 15, 16 1970 the Eighth Congress [in continuationof the 7th Congress held by the CPI (M)] of the CPI (ML) was held underconditions of utmost secrecy. The Congress was held on the first floor of a building in the railway colony in Garden Reach, Calcutta.On the ground floor were over fifty volunteers who had gathered to celebratea mock wedding. Some were family members of the delegates. The blaringloudspeaker helped drown the noise of the heated debates taking placeabove.
The Congress was attended by about 35 delegates from all overthe country and elected a 21 member central committee representing comradesfrom West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, U.P, Tamilnadu, Orissa,Kashmir and Kerala with Com. Charu Mazumdar as general secretary. The nine-memberpolitburo comprised Charu Mazumdar, Sushital Roy Chowdhary, Saroj Datta,Souren Bose (all West Bengal), Satyanarayan Singh (Bihar), Shiv Kumar Mishra(UP), Shroff (Kashmir), Appu (Tamilnadu) and the two seats allocated forA P. were never filled.


    [td=1,1,50%]1. Com. Charu Mazumdar[/td]    [td=1,1,50%]2. Com. Vempatapu Sathyam[/td]      
    [td=1,1,50%]3. Com. Adibhatla Kailsam[/td]    [td=1,1,50%]4. Com. Mahadev Mukherjee[/td]      
    [td=1,1,50%]5. Com. Satyanarayan Singh[/td]    [td=1,1,50%]6. Com. Sushital Roy Chowdhury[/td]      
    [td=1,1,50%]7. Com. Suniti Ghosh[/td]    [td=1,1,50%]

  The Prairie Fire
The cream of India's youth and students joined, what cameto be known as the Naxalbari movement. While the parliamentary politicianswere busy playing the politics of power and amassing personal wealth, youngrevolutionaries were sacrificing everything - studies, wealth, families -to serve the oppressed masses of our country. Displaying a death-defyingcourage withstanding enemy bullets and inhuman tortures, facing the hardshipsof rural life, thousands of youth integrated with the landless and poor peasantsand aroused them for revolution.
In Calcutta the university campuses were turning into hotbedsof revolutionary politics. During the 1967-70 period, the prestigious PresidencyCollege and Hindu Hostel had become the nerve centre for Maoist politics.The Presidency College Students' Consolidation emerged as an important forcefollowing their overwhelming victory in the student union elections in 1967/68.Throughout 1968 and 1969 the Maoist students wing - the Progressive StudentsCoordination Committee (PSCC) - captured almost all the student unions ofthe different institutions in and around Calcutta. The Post-Graduate studentsfederation of Calcutta University under Maoist influence discovered the militantform of 'Gherao' by launching numerous such struggles against the universityauthorities in 1969. Later, at the call of the Party it was from these collegesthat hundreds of students gave up their studies and integrated with the peasantmasses. Many became martyrs in the brutal massacres of youth in 1970/71 inwhich thousands were killed in Calcutta.
In Andhra Pradesh it was the students of Guntur Medical Collegewho were the first to come out in support of Naxalbari and form the NaxalbariSolidarity Committee. M. Venkataratnam and Premchand were the pioneers, translating articles from 'Liberation' into Telugu and distributing them amongst the communist rank and file. Chaganti Bhaskar Rao and DevineniMallikarjunudu were the brilliant medical students who subsequently wentto Srikakulam as guerilla fighters. Earlier Bhasker Rao, a gold medalist,had brought out a handwritten magazine, 'Ranabheri', to disseminate PekingRadio news and articles and propagate Naxalbari politics among students.
In Punjab, Bihar, UP, Tamilnadu, Kerala and even amongst theCampuses of Delhi and Bombay thousands of youth were attracted to Maoism and the politics of Naxalbari. Youth, with ideals, at last found a meaningto their lives after total disgust with the deceit, corruption, greed andunprincipled opportunism that pervaded parliamentary politics. Naxalbarisymbolised to this youth a new future of justice, truth, equality, humanityand a self-respect for the downtrodden which the present society could nevergive . Fired with this missionary-like zeal they set out to exterminate theperpetrators of injustice, inhumanity, to eradicate the demons and ghostswho run this oppressive system, to remove the sting of the scorpions, snakesand other vile creatures who roam the corridors of power...... to executethe executioners. They sought to create a paradise on earth. They sharedthe dreams of their leader, affectionately known as CM, to create a brightfuture where no person shall go hungry; where no one shall oppress another,where there shall be no discrimination based on caste, religion or sex, wherea new socialist human being will be born in whom greed, selfishness, ego,competitiveness will be replaced by selflessness, modesty and cooperationand where a concern for others will take precedence over concern for oneself.And it is these youth who, together with the more experienced leaders, marchedforth to turn their dreams into reality, by building Naxalbari-type strugglesm many parts of the country.

  Naxalbari-type Upsurge
The period 1968 to 1967 saw the outbreak of struggles of landlessand poor peasants that stormed the feudal bastions of the rulingclasses.
Charu Mazumdar once said that "Srikakulam is the Yenanof India." Though that may have been an exaggeration, it was a landmarkin the history of armed struggle in our country. This hilly, forested tribalbelt in the North East of Andhra Pradesh was the beacon-light that blazedthe revolutionary path for communists of Andhra Pradesh.
Two school teachers had built up a mass base amongst the tribalssince the late 1950s. Vempatapu Sathyanarayana (popularly known as Sathyam)the legend of Srikakulam, together with Adibhatla Kailasam were finding themilitancy of their struggle coming into direct conflict with the revisioniststate leadership. Forcible harvest of crops, land occupations, growing clasheswith the landlords were developing into armed clashes with the police. Thesetwo teachers were soon joined by the youth leader Panchadi Krishnamurthy.Added to this, the verse and song of Subbarao Panigrahi became the vehicleof revolutionary politics. With the growing repression, the people were disarmedand panic-stricken as the state leadership was unwilling to resist.
Then came the news of Naxalbari. Sathyam and others immediatelyembraced the politics of Naxalbari as in it they found the answers for whichthey were groping, and which the state leadership [of the then CPI (M) andlater APCCCR] was unwilling to provide. The tribals were now welded intoan irresistible force.
The spark was triggered on 31st October 1967 when two comradesKoranna and Manganna - were shot dead by landlords at Levidi village on theway to the Girijan Sangam Conference. In reaction the girijans rose in abig way against the landlords; seizure of landlords land, property and foodgrainsspread from village to village with tribals moving in groups armed withtraditional weapons. This continued for six months paralysing the local policeforces. But in March 1968 the government sent in a massive posse of police.The people fought back, but were faced with defeat as they were not adequatelytrained in guerilla methods of warfare.
It was only after coming into contact with the AICCCR thata decision was taken for squad formation and a more systematic resistance.The guerilla squads now assisted the people in the seizure of landlords'property and annihilation of class enemies. On 25th November 1968 the agendaof armed struggle was set, when 250 tribals raided a landlord's house, tookout a procession of the hoarded foodgrains and property worth Rs. 20,000and burnt hundreds of documents. On 20th December 1968 at Balleruguda village200 police were surprised in a guerilla attack by 500 villagers using stones,bows and arrows and one country-made gun. The police fled; the villagerspursued, killing two constables and one circle inspector.
In 1969 the number of functioning squads increased and sodid the actions. But, in October 1969 the government sent in 12,000 CRPFand the battle raged on for nearly six months. Major guerilla actions tookplace in the upper Aviri area, on the Bothili hills and near Sanjuvai, Vegulavadaand Ithamanugadda. By January 1970, 120 police had been killed. But, oneby one, the leaders became martyrs. Sathyam, Adibhatla Kailasam, PanchadiKrishnamurthy, Panchadi Nirmala, Bhasker Rao and Subbarao Panigrahi becamepart of the folk-lore of the area.
'Deshabrati' drew a number of students and youth towards Naxalbaripolitics from the towns of Suri, Rampurhat, and Bolpur. Organisers from Calcuttaand Siliguri went to Birbhum in 1968 to develop the revolutionary movement.After doing some rural surveys they began to organise the villagers on issuesof wages and tenancy rights. Many youth joined the movement. The next yearthe landlords retaliated and evicted the peasants. A militant struggle waslaunched against the eviction. The struggle spread like wildfire and soonengulfed the whole area.
The party's work had spread from Bolpur and Suri to SanthalParaganas in the west. The first attack on a class enemy was made in Dubrajpurthana in 1969 and the annihilation campaign started from the beginning of1970. Guerilla squads came into being and about 70 class enemies covering20 thanas were eliminated. In some cases jotedars were punished followingthe people's verdicts in people s courts. The struggles also spread to thesmall and medium towns of the district like Bolpur Hetampur, Suri, Rampurhatand Nalhati, drawing in the youth and students The squads also formed intolarger units (then called the people's army), eliminated many tyrants, destroyeddocuments, confiscated their property and distributed it amongst the people.They seized guns in the villages in nine thanas of Birbhum, three thanasof Murshidabad and three thanas of Santhal Paraganas. In all over 200 gunswere snatched from the landlords and police. In some areas secret RevolutionaryPeasant Committees were also established. But by mid 1971, besides bigcontingents of the police, the government moved in the CRPF and army. Withthe 'Left' line then prevailing, the movement could not face this combinedonslaught and suffered a setback.

Many revolutionary intellectuals from Calcutta settled inGopiballavpur of Midnapur district in 1968. In September 1969 a guerillasquad attacked and annihilated an oppressive landlord which had an electrifyingeffect in the area. Landlords fled to the towns and in November 1969 a bigpeasant movement began which took up the forcible harvesting of landlords'crops. In the midst of this movement a large number of guerilla squads wereformed and in early 1971 launched an attack on a police camp of the BiharMilitary Police - one policeman was killed and nine rifles seized.
In neighbouring Debra a strong movement had been built in1967 by the local CPI (M) cadres. But as the movement became militant warrantswere sent for the arrest of their own party men and Jyoti Basu clampedprohibitory orders in the area. Meanwhile, two popular leaders who had joinedthe Maoists, influenced by the Gopiballavpur struggles set up a central guerillaunit and a number of local guerilla units. In October 1969 thousandsof armed peasants, supported by the guerilla squads attacked the house ofa notorious jotedar, seized the hoarded grains, the mortgaged articles andburnt the documents. This was followed by ten more actions in quicksuccession......
Naxalbari attracted the bulk of the CPI (M) cadres of Muzaffarpurdistrict towards the CPI (ML). By mid-1968 land struggles began...... peasantswith arms in their hands openly harvested the landlords' crops.By August the 'seizure of crops' campaign intensified with increased clasheswith the landlords and police. The government sent in big police forces whichresorted to assaulting and arresting villagers, burning their huts and plunderingtheir property. The movement spread to seven thanas of the district withattacks continuing on class enemies. Towards the end of 1968 guerilla unitswere set up to face the police. The masses and guerilla units successfullyrepulsed the police in many places and continued their attacks onlandlords........

The movement started in 11 villages in this Terai region ofUP close to the Nepal border. Here landlords owned anything from 500acres to 2000 acres with large goonda gangs. The peasants began their strugglefor land in early 1968 and witnessed a big upheaval by June. Clashes betweenthe peasants and goondas ensued with the peasants thrashing the goondas,confiscating landlord's property and seizing arms. Police camps were established,the movement went underground and continued in the form of guerilla strikes.Many landlords fled the area...........
The spark of Naxalbari spread to most corners of the country.The epi-centre was West Bengal, with strong movements in Andhra Pradesh,Bihar, Punjab, Tamilnadu and there were flashes of Maoist resistance in nearlyall the states of India stretching from Kerala in the South to Kashmir inthe North, from Maharashtra in the West to Assam in the East. The movementthrew up brilliant leaders like Sushital Roy Chowdhury, Saroj Datta etc butthe chief ideologue and visionary was Charu Mazumdar.

  Profile of a Leader
Charu Mazumdar, or more popularly known as CM, was born ina Zamindari family of Siliguri in 1918. As a school student he was influencedby the petty-bourgeois national revolutionaries and became a member of theAll Bengal Students Association, affiliated to the Anusilan group. His father,a lawyer, was an active Congress freedom fighter and his mother was progressivefor her times. In 1937-38 he dropped out of college and became a Congressworker organising bidi workers and others. After a few years he quit theCongress and joined the CPI, working in the peasant front. Primarily he workedamongst the Jalpaiguri peasantry and became a popular leader amongst them.When a warrant was issued for his arrest he went underground. At the outbreakof World War II the party was banned and he did secret organisational workamongst the peasantry and became a member of the CPI Jalpaiguri districtcommittee in 1942. During the great famine of 1943, he organised the seizureof crops in Jalpaiguri. In 1946 he participated in the Tebhaga movement andorganised militant struggles of the peasants in North Bengal. This movementhad a profound impact on him and shaped his vision on armed peasantry developinga revolutionary movement. Later he worked amongst the tea garden workersof Darjeeling district.
In 1948 the CPI was banned and he spent the next three yearsin jail. In January 1954 he married Lila Mazumdar Sengupta, a CPI cardholderfrom Jalpaiguri. They shifted to Siliguri, which remained the centre of hisactivity. His ailing father and unmarried sister lived there under severefinancial constraints having lost their ancestral property. As the peasantmovement receded he spent his efforts organising tea garden workers, rickshawpullers, etc. After the Palghat Congress in 1956 his ideological differenceswith the party widened. Severe financial constraints added to his depressingconditions. But, the Great Debate, in the international communist movementlifted his spirits. During the Indo-China war he was again put in jail. Thoughhe joined the CPI (M) in the split, he found the leadership dodging the keyideological questions. In 1964-65 he was sick and devoted time to studyingand writing about communism and Mao's thought. It was here that he developedhis ideas which were recorded in his writings and speeches of 1965-67 -subsequently known as the 'Historic Eight Documents' - which formed thepolitical-ideological basis for the emergence of the Naxalite movement.

顶端 Posted: 2009-08-16 10:02 | 7 楼
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  PART - 2
  Dark clouds gather...........
Revolutions never proceed in a straight line. The historyof all successful revolutions show this. The path is zig zag, there are upsand downs, there is victory and defeat repeated a number of times.....beforefinal victory. Of course, there is no final victory until the stage of communismis reached. Even the gigantic success of the Russian and Chinese revolutionswere followed by reverses three to four decades later.....no doubt thesedefeats will be followed by victories in the future.
Revolutions trace a tortuous course, there are no short-cutsno easy paths. Setbacks are inevitable as they face a rapacious monster,but with greater experience of class struggle, a deeper understanding ofMarxism-Leninism-Mao Ze Dong Thought and a better grasp of the ground realities,the losses can be minimised.
Though the immediate cause for the setback was the ruthlessrepression unleashed by the government, the large losses came from certainshort-comings on all the above three counts.
  The Government Onslaught
It was during this period that the police introduced the methodof encounter killings. It is a method which sets aside even their own bourgeoisnorms. But then, their 'democracy' is only for those who accept their systemwhile for those who question it, or challenge it, it is a cold, brutal, fascistmadness. During the Telangana uprising in 1950 the Nehru government murderedthousands of tribals and hung communists along the trees leading to the villages.The same Nehru treated the same communists as his closest associates oncethey entered parliament just two years later. During those days, Nasser,while on a visit to India, exclaimed in shocked surprise at the freedomcommunists had and chidingly told Nehru, "we put all communists into prison."Nehru smilingly replied "it is much the same, you keep them in prison, wein parliament - in both they become harmless."
Staged encounters became the norm in the 1970-71 period.Besides, revolutionaries were subjected to inhuman tortures. In all the struggleareas the police would pick up young men and women in the age-group 17 to25, suspected to have links with the Maoist movement.... and subject themto brutal torture. The purpose of torture was not just to extract informationbut to break their will, destroy their self-respect, so that they do notchallenge the system and the established status quo. The roller treatment,hanging from the roof and being beaten, inserting hot iron rods into therectum, electric shocks, burning with cigarette butts and many more savagemethods were used against Maoist suspects. Of course, this never frightenedthe revolutionaries but made their hatred against the system more intense.So the 'encounter' killings.
In 1969-70 the government had pressed into service not onlythe reserve police forces, but also the para-military and even the army.By 1971 most of the Naxalbari-type uprisings had been cruelly crushed. Thenthe government turned its fury on the revolutionary youth of Calcutta. By1970 urban guerilla struggles had reached unprecedented dimensions in thecity affecting students, workers. employees etc. The tremendous support theyreceived frightened the ruling classes, and the large sections of the CPI(M) cadres, that switched alliance to the Maoists, created panic in the CPI(M) leadership.
In the 1971-72 period hundreds of youth of Calcutta weresystematically shot dead by Congress-led vigilante squads. These killer squadswere led by Congress leaders like Priya Ranjandas Munshi, and put into actionaccording to a plan hatched by the Chief minister Siddarth Shankar Ray andpolice chief Ranjit Guha. For example, in August 1971 Congress hoodlums joinedhands with CPI (M) cadre to massacre hundreds of Maoists in the Baranagarand Howrah areas of Calcutta. The most infamous was the Cossipore-Baranagarmassacre. Armed goons of the Congress together with CPI (M) activists conductedhouse to house searches raping women, burning houses and beating up youthwith any known sympathy for the Maoists. Then, the Congress went on a killingspree while the CPI (M) men formed a human chain around the area, to preventanyone from escaping. Young boys were murdered, elderly people were doused with kerosene and burnt to death. Two important Maoist leadersof the area, Panchu Gopal Dey and Karuna Sarkar were killed in the most goryfashion. Dey's limbs were cut off, one by one, and then stoned to death.Karuna Sarkar was caught by the goondas and CPI (ML) was carved on her chest.Other places where similar massacres took place were Ratan Babu Ghat, KashiwarChatterjee Lane, Baral Para Lane, Kutighat Road, Atul Krishna-Bose Lane,Maharaja Navalakumar Road, Lal Maidan, Bholanath street, Jainarayan BanerjeeLane, Kashinath Datta Road and Vidyatan Sarani.
In this period over 10,000 Maoists and their sympathiserswere killed, most of the leadership had been decimated and thousands morewere languishing in jails. And while this savage extermination was goingon not a single parliamentary party even raised a voice.
  Martyrdom of CM
Earlier, two central committee members, Saroj Datta and Appujust 'disappeared'. Till today it is not known what happened, but it is quiteclear that they have been arrested, tortured, then killed and their bodiesdisposed off by the police. Sushital Roy Choudhary died of a heart attack.In AP and Punjab the bulk of the leadership were killed. Charu Mazumdar,the ailing leader of the movement still evaded arrest. By 1972 he was themost wanted man by the Indian government.
But, on July 16, 1972 after the brutal torture of a courier,Charu Mazumdar was arrested from a shelter in Calcutta. At the time of hisarrest he was seriously sick with cardiac asthma. During his ten days inpolice custody no one was allowed to see him - not even his lawyer, familymembers nor a doctor. The Lal bazar lock-up had achieved a reputation throughoutthe country of the most horrifying and cruel tortures. At 4.00 A.M. on July28, 1972 Charu Mazumdar died in the police lock-up. Even the dead body wasnot given to the family. A police convoy, with the immediate family memberscarried the body to the crematorium.... The whole area was cordoned off andnot even the nearest relatives was allowed in. Charu Mazumdar's body wasconsigned to the flames. And with his martyrdom the first glorious chapterof the incipient revolutionary movement in India came to aclose.
  Movement Recedes
With the martyrdom of CM the young Maoist movement was throwninto disarray. With much of the leadership, at all levels, killed or in jail,and with a fascist terror reigning, the links between the revolutionariesbroke. It was left to local organisers to recoup the forces. Most of theselacked experience, were being hounded by the police and, in many places,the mass base was shattered by police attacks. Yet pockets of resistancecontinued particularly in West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.
But the government could not contain the peoples' anger and a wave of protests shook the country. In Bihar and Gujarat there weremassive student movements against corruption and government unaccountability;in Maharashtra severe drought sparked off unrest and the Dalits (scheduledcastes) rose in revolt with the Dalit Panther movement; the nationalitieswere beginning to stir with movements for the development of local languages,more equitable centre-state relations and for separate states; the all Indiastrike of railway workers in 1974 brought the economy to a virtual standstill;and, to top it all, even sections of the police launched unprecedented revoltsagainst the government.
The ruling classes too were in disarray. They found themselvesunable to contain the peoples anger. Each new day brought fresh reports ofmore attacks on the system. Yet, in the absence of a conscious interventionby a well-organised revolutionary party, the spontaneous challenge of thepeople was sought to be diverted into parliamentary channels. Jaya PrakashNarayan who became the symbolic leader of the movement against corruptiongave a call for 'Total Revolution' . In many places the movement spontaneouslytook a violent turn, but JP's 'total revolution' was directionless. But,the mass movement threatened the ruling Congress government which finallyclamped an internal Emergency on June 26, 1975. On 25th night the entireopposition parties and even some dissident Congressmen, mass leaders, civilrights workers and revolutionaries and their sympathisers were thrown behindbars.
The pockets of Maoist resistance that continued in this periodwere particularly in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh led by the APState Committee of the CPI (ML), later to become the CPI (ML) (People's war),in West Bengal it was the Second CC with a strong base in Nadia and 24 Parganasdistricts and the MCC in the Sunderbans; and in Bihar three groups continuedtheir resistance - in Bhojpur it was led by the CPI (ML) faction of Jawahar(later to become the Liberation group), in Jehanabad by what came to be laterknown as CPI (ML) Party Unity and in South Bihar's Hazaribagh and Giridhareas by the MCC.
  Three Trends Emerge
In this period of setback three distinct trends developedwithin the CPI (ML). The first was a continuation of the left line of'annihilation of class enemies' which was represented by some pro-Lin Piaogroups like the Second CC and the Mahadev Mukherjee group, also the CPI (ML)led by Jawahar in Bihar and CPI (ML) led by Kannamani in Tamilnadu. The secondtrend comprised of those who swung to the right, by criticising the entiretactical line of the CPI (ML) and once again sought participation in elections.This was particularly led by the CPI (ML) faction led by Satyanarayan Singh.Others like Kanu Sanyal, Ashim Chatterjee, Souren Bose swung even furtherto the right finally veering towards the CPI (M). The third trend wasparticularly represented by the COC (Central Organising Committee) whichupheld the essence of the CPI (ML) line but sought to rectify the left errors.The COC comprised the CPI (ML) state units from Punjab, West Bengal, AndhraPradesh and Bihar - the Punjab unit later merged with the Unity Organisationto form the CPI (ML) Party Unity and the Andhra Pradesh unit developed intothe CPI (ML) (People's war).
The revolutionaries belonging to the first trend wereunable to withstand the police pressure for long. They fought heroically,but were suppressed. This was particularly so in Bhojpur. Annihilations rockedthe district from 1971. Notorious landlords, upper caste gentry who had rapeddalit women, goondas of the landlords .... all fell victim to the blazingguns of the revolutionaries. The movement threw up dedicated revolutionarieslike Jagdish Mahto and Butan Mushahar....both school teachers and lovinglyreferred to as 'Master'; and there was Rameshwar Ahir, the landlesspeasant-turned criminal, turned revolutionary. Then there was Dr. Nirmalthe medical graduate who had experienced casteism even amongst the educatedstudents and realised that genuine equality can only be achieved throughrevolution. And then there was the legendary leader of the CPI (ML) groupSubroto Dutta, popularly known an 'Jawahar'. The battles raged inthe plains of Bhojpur right into the Emergency. But four days after thedeclaration of Emergency the battle turned in favour of the enemy.
It was June 29, Bahuara village with 143 families. The CRPand the Jat Regiment aided by 300 heavily armed Bumihars surrounded the village.The attackers set the whole Dalit tola on fire. The Ahirs, led by the CPI(ML) cadres fought back. The battle raged for three whole days. Finally after96 hours of heavy fighting, four men made an attempt to break out of theheavy encirclement. Two, including Dr. Nirmal escaped. But a wounded Butan,'Master', could not. He was arrested in the next village and shot dead. Itis said that in these plains the revolutionaries linked up huts with undergroundtunnels, for their security. A few months later, a police party raided thehouse of Sakaldip Chamar in Babubandh village. The people inside put up avaliant resistance. After the smoke cleared, many lay dead. Among them wasDr. Nirmal. He was just 27 years. Among those who escaped was Jawahar; buthe was severely wounded and died a few hours later. The Mushahars did notallow the police to capture the body; with tears in their eyes, they carriedit away secretly through the fields. Resistance continued to smoulder throughoutthe period of the Emergency. Rameshwar Ahir and Jagdish Mahto too becamemartyrs. After the Emergency the new secretary of the party Vinod Mishra,while negating the left errors, step by step led the party to the extremeright. By the end of the 1980s this party revised all its earlier positionsending in the camp of the CPI and CPM. Of the groups in the first trend theKannamani group was totally liquidated, and the second CC after some divisions,a few reviewed their past and tried to come out of the ultra-left line.
Most of the groups in the second trend, with varyingdegrees of right deviations, finally became part of the revisionist camp,like the SNS group, Kanu Sanyal, Ashim Chatterjee etc. A few, though stillwithin the revolutionary camp, are getting more and more bogged down inparliamentary politics, or keep on postponing the question of armed struggle.Some of these have been going through a series of unifications andsplits.
The third trend was the trend of the future......andit is this trend that has been growing in many parts of the country. Theyare basically represented by three organisations: CPI (ML) Party Unity, CPI(ML) (People's war) and the MCC. Though the MCC never joined the CPI (ML)and has an independent history of its own it is today one of the strongestrevolutionary forces in Bihar.

顶端 Posted: 2009-08-17 03:15 | 8 楼
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  PART - 3
  New rays of hope............
The major reason for the setback were some errors in the movement specificallyin the realm of tactics. Repression, brutality, inhuman torture, etc aresecond nature to the capitalists. These 'gentlemen' are fine and courteousas long as their interests are not threatened; but touch one paisa of theirill-begotten wealth and they turn into poisonous vipers, ruthless executioners,inhuman demons, spouting death and destruction on their path to glory. Itis the class struggle that brings forth their real nature and any revolutionaryor revolutionary movement must be equipped to face it. The tragedy of theliberals is that they are unaware of this reality, while the revisionistsseek to hide it. The bourgeoisie is not threatened by the liberals or therevisionists, who strain every nerve to look 'respectable' (to the bourgeoisie),and so the rulers can afford to be 'civil', 'decent', 'rational' in theirdealings with the liberals, revisionists and their like. Some confuse this'decency' for the gory reality. The politics of Naxalbari threatened them,and they came out in their true colours, discarding all refinement, sheddingall democratic pretensions, discarding all 'decency', with a ruthlessnessthat would make even Hitler ecstatic.
After the setback in 1972 there has been much introspection. Specificallythe COC units tried to grapple with the problems of revolution in India inthe light of this latest experience. In doing so various assessments cameforward one of which was the self-critical review put forward by the Andhracomrades led then by KondapalliSeetharamaiah.
  A self-critical review

Success or defeat in revolution is, first and foremost, governedby the political line of the party that is leading the revolution. If theline is in conformity with the laws of development of society and revolution,then the movement will go towards victory. But if the line is not in conformitywith these laws it will be defeated. The CPI (ML), unlike the CPI and CPM,correctly understood the laws of development of Indian society, when theycharacterised it as semi-feudal, semi-colonial and the stage of revolutionas New Democratic. The CPI (ML) also grasped the fundamental law of revolutioni.e.. the need for revolutionary violence to change the system. Marx andEngels had shown that all hitherto existing social systems had not passedaway peacefully but through violent class struggles. The very bourgeoisiein the capitalist countries had come to power through a violent overthrowof the feudal order. Marx's famous quote that "Force is the midwife of everyold society pregnant with the new" was thrown to the winds by the CPI andCPM. The CPI (ML) not only restored this Marxist law of revolution, theywent about implementing it. And in doing so, certain errors arose in themethods adopted.
Being equipped with the general laws of revolution isnot sufficient; there must also be a concrete analysis of concrete conditions,a class understanding of friends and enemies, an assessment of the changingclass alignment of forces at any given moment and the methods required tobuild the revolutionary forces to face the enemy. Errors in any of thesespheres can also lead to reverses. And it is here that some errors weremade.
These errors were best summed up in the CPI (ML) (People'swar) document entitled "Summing up the past let us advance victoriouslyalong the path of armed struggle." This document listed first the positiveaspects of the CPI (ML), then the shortcomings and finally drew lessons onthe basis on which to advance. This contrasted sharply with numerous othercritiques from erstwhile leaders of the CPI (ML) like SNS, Kanu Sanyal, AshimChatterjee, etc who merely sought to throw blame on CM and escape into therevisionist camp. Of course, genuine criticism was raised earlier particularlyby Sushital Roy Chowdhary in late 1970, but he was the lone voice in theleadership then. Unfortunately, a few months later, he died of a heart attack.Though belatedly, Com. CM himself initiated the process of rectifying theerrors as could be seen in his article "People's interest is party'sinterest" written in May 1972, two months prior to hismartyrdom.
While clearly stating that the positive aspects were primarythe CPI (ML) PW document outlined the main shortcomingsas:
(i) An incorrect understanding of the era: The documentstated that the party wrongly estimated that the character of the era hadchanged and on that basis had called for continuous attacks, without a thoughtto the relative strength of the revolutionary forces and that of the enemy.The document added that: "what should have been done instead, is to base(tactics) on a concrete assessment of the relative strength and weaknessesof the opposing sides of the contradiction, in arevolution."
(ii) A wrong estimation of the International and NationalSituation: The document stated that the Eighth Party Congress reporthad looked upon US intervention in Kampuchea as the beginning of World WarIII. It also said that the party had wrongly estimated the situation in thecountry and therefore called on the people to start armed struggle everywhere.The document added that in India there is uneven economic development, andthe levels of political consciousness and social and cultural developmentvary, this, it added, has to be borne in mind, while formulating the tacticsof struggle.
(iii) A disregard for the subjective factor: Therewas no proper estimate of the strength of the revolutionary forces vis-a-visthat of the enemy. There was a tendency to get carried away by the immediatesuccess of the struggles.
(iv) Giving immature slogans: The over assessment ofthe objective factors of revolution led to many immature slogans andcalls.
(v) The Line of Annihilation: The document succinctlyanalysed this point saying: "All forms of struggle are subordinate to,and are guided by the concrete political line. If the concrete politicalline deviates from the mass line, the forms of struggle cannot but beotherwise..... So in order to negate the line of annihilation, we have tonegate the wrong ideology which is alien to Marxism and its consequentialpolitical and organisational manifestations.... The problem is not whetherthe class enemy will be annihilated or not.... Rather the problem is, whetherthe party should adopt the mass line or not .... Every Marxist-Leninist Partymust propagate revolutionary violence which may express itself in variousforms of struggle; one of which may be annihilation of class enemies." Theparty had earlier asserted that the annihilation of landlords was the onlymeans of arousing the landless and poor peasants. This document put the questionin correct perspective.
(vi) The rejection of other forms of struggle and organisation:Until then the party negated all mass organisations and all other formsof struggle, thereby isolating the party from the masses which made comradeseasier targets for the enemy. As the document pointed out "In order tocombat the long-standing revisionist practice of conducting mass struggleson the lines of economism and adopting legal and open forms of organisationas the only form of organisation, our party arrived at a one-sided and wrongformulation that the armed form of struggle is the only form of struggleand armed form of organisation the only form of organisation. "
(vii) A wrong approach to the United Front: The documentin its assessment of the earlier position said, "The United Front willbe formed in the course of struggle only.... to work for it right from theinception of the struggle is the bounden duty of the working class. To sayinstead, that it will not be possible to form a United Front until one ora few liberated base areas are established....amounts to rejecting in practicethe truth, that a United Front is essential for the victory of revolution."
(viii) Guerilla struggles in the cities: The documentsaid that it was wrong to have started urban guerilla warfare in Calcutta...leading to enormous losses.
(ix) Wrong bureaucratic tendencies in Organisation: Thedocument explained that - bureaucratic methods, a lack of self-criticism,lack of committee functioning, sectarian methods of solving differences andfinally the assertion of Com. CM's individual authority above the Party...did much to damage the movement. The document also added that this was amajor reason why the party could not correct errors in time.
These then were the major errors of the movement and it ison the basis of a rectification done with this analysis, that the CPI (ML)(PW) has carried forward the heritage of Naxalbari, the basic line of theEighth Congress and created the primary forms of the guerilla zone.
  The importance of Mao Ze Dong Thought
Remoulding of the existing petty-bourgeois outlook to aproletarian outlook is a continuous struggle. The pace of the incipientrevolutionary movement outstripped the pace of development of proletarianideology. Besides, non-proletarian traits acquired through long associationwith the revisionists added to the havoc and splintering of the movement.The lack of a self-critical approach allowed some 'leaders' to swing fromone view to exactly an opposite view without so much as attempting to analysewhy the earlier view was wrong,. Such political and ideological semanticsabounded in the post-1972 period. Together with this individualism,personality-based groupism, a small circle mentality etc., added to theproliferation of groups - each one, of course, claiming they alone were right.Mao no doubt has written against all this, but it is one thing to acceptMao theoretically quite another to imbibe his teaching in practice.
Mao had once said "A communist must never beopinionated or domineering, thinking that he is good in everything whileothers are good in nothing; he must never shut himself up in his little roomor brag and boast and lord it over others." Sectarianismwas deep-rooted at that time, highly opinionated views existed, intoleranceof another view-point, an unwillingness to learn from others, not even frompractice and reality......all this added to the fissures and divisions, andalso retarded, or at least delayed, the ability to learn from one's ownexperience.
In 1972 itself the AP State Committee had presented a shortself-critical assessment, though this was accepted by Com. CM shortly beforehis arrest and martyrdom, it was not able to gain acceptance. These views,presented in a well elaborated form to the then COC in 1975 was not evenable to rally the other units, even though the COC contained many of thebest elements from amongst the CPI (ML). Even if this was not accepted noother view could find a common agreement. With the result, the first COCliterally withered away in 1977.
Mao Ze Dong Thought is the development of Marxism-Leninismand an essential weapon for the proletarian movement. It gives the ideologicalbasis for fighting all forms of deviations and the most powerful weapon incombating revisionism particularly modern revisionism. Today, when theinternational communist movement has faced a setback and even the mightyCPC has turned revisionist, the danger of revisionism lurking in the backgroundis ever-present. The struggle against imperialism and feudalism is impossiblewithout a struggle against revisionism.......and for that, Maoist ideology,politics and military science are absolutely fundamental.

顶端 Posted: 2009-08-17 03:15 | 9 楼
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